Roanoke Times
Copyright (c) 1995, Landmark Communications, Inc.
DATE: MONDAY, November 6, 1995 TAG: 9511060089
SECTION: NATIONAL/INTERNATIONAL PAGE: A6 EDITION: METRO
SOURCE: JIM KLURFELD NEWSDAY
DATELINE: JERUSALEM LENGTH: Medium
Israelis must confront issues that they have avoided until now and on which there is no consensus. Even if there is a temporary coming together in the wake of Saturday night's event, in the longer run the issues that have spurred such controversy will be waiting. Where will Israel's borders be? What to do about the 130,000 settlers? Who will control Jerusalem, and how?
Although talks on the final stage of the peace process are not scheduled to start until May, Rabin already was beginning to talk of his vision of a final peace arrangement. Without Rabin, who had the ability to appeal both to the political left and right more than any other politician in Israel, it is going to be even more difficult to find consensus and avoid splitting Israeli society. The former chief of staff was respected even by foes because of his military experience and his acknowledged toughness.
Some Israeli leaders said Sunday that it was highly unlikely that the government, now expected to be headed by acting Prime Minister Shimon Peres, will make any real progress on these issues before the next Israeli elections, which must be held no later than next November. It is possible those elections might be held sooner, especially if Peres believes the Labor Party will have greater support in the wake of the assassination.
``I expect that they will meet in May and form a committee and then not really do anything until after the election,'' said Shlomo Gazit, a retired Israeli general who had been head of military intelligence and is especially knowledgeable about the West Bank. ``The task now is to implement the agreement for Palestinian autonomy. That should be done.''
Gazit and other Israeli officials said the government's leaders, both on the left and on the right, also must confront the issue of Jewish violence now, or it could overtake all else. The government and the Likud Party have been too lenient with a small but extremely fanatic minority, Gazit said.
``The most dangerous word is `but,''' he said. ``The Likud says, `We condemn what the fanatics say, but...,' and the `but' is that the government policies have been responsible for their actions, or that the government's policies are wrong. You can't equivocate. This must be confronted and stopped now. There can be no `but' when confronting fanaticism.
``There is a horrible, unbridgeable gap between the fanatic position and those of the mainstream. The only thing that these people have in common is that they are Jews. But that means nothing. I don't want to be that type of Jew.''
The next government may not be able to move ahead to the final phase of the process either because it is not capable of it or, if Likud should win, because it does not want to. That means the situation on the ground would be frozen where it is now: with the Palestinians granted autonomy over their daily lives but no more. Ironically, that is not far from the autonomy proposal put forth first by Likud leader Menachem Begin and later by his successor, Yitzhak Shamir.
One reason that Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat might have looked so shaken Saturday evening is that he understood how important it was for him to have Rabin in power. It is Arafat and the Palestinians who could be caught in the limbo of autonomy. In a sense, the political fate of Arafat and Rabin had been tied together: One could not succeed without the other.
Of course, there are potentially negative consequences for Israel as well if the peace process stalls. If Palestinians see the peace process not moving forward, Arafat is likely to lose his standing to the more radical Hamas and Islamic Jihad organizations; the ``intifada,'' the rebellion in the West Bank, could reignite. And this would come at a time when Israel is enjoying an unprecedented economic boom, one fueled significantly by the opening to the Arab world and the prospect of economic coordination between Israel and its Arab neighbors.
In fact, the booming economy has helped dampen criticism of Rabin and the peace process. Many Israelis, while uncomfortable with the peace process, seem willing to give it a chance.
But that is before the truly controversial questions are confronted. Rabin appeared ready to do that. It is far from certain his successors will either have the chance or the desire.
by CNB