THE VIRGINIAN-PILOT
Copyright (c) 1997, Landmark Communications, Inc.
DATE: Sunday, February 16, 1997 TAG: 9702160061
SECTION: FRONT PAGE: A1 EDITION: FINAL
SOURCE: BY WARREN FISKE, STAFF WRITER
DATELINE: RICHMOND LENGTH: 295 lines
They come most days the legislature meets and take back seats in the galleries and committee rooms. There, hardly noticed, they pray.
They call themselves ``the intercessors.'' They are a group of women from across Virginia who travel to the Capitol to summon divine intervention for socially conservative programs they deem necessary to protect the sanctity of families.
``They pray for our organization, they pray for the governor, they pray for the legislators, they pray for you,'' explained Walter Barbee, the imposing president and creator of the Family Foundation, which sponsors the intercessors and has quietly become the most influential Christian conservative lobby in state government.
``They pray people will open their eyes and get involved in the process,'' Barbee said. ``We believe in the power of prayer.''
Barbee, 63, a retired American Airlines pilot, also believes in the power of computers, fax machines and telephones. Networking from the basement of his stately home in Northern Virginia near the Potomac River, Barbee has put together a mailing list of 40,000 Virginians who are ready to pressure legislators at the drop of a fax.
Like the intercessors, the Family Foundation long seemed to move on angels' feet around the Capitol - scarcely noticeable but always present. That's changed in recent years as the group has found socially conservative allies in Gov. George F. Allen and an ever-expanding cast of Republican legislators.
In many states, subsidiaries of Pat Robertson's Christian Coalition play a major role in lobbying legislatures.
That's not true in Virginia, the national headquarters of the Chesapeake-based coalition.
The foundation, which works closely with the coalition, ``takes the lead on lobbying the General Assembly,'' said Anne B. Kincaid, a longtime consultant to the foundation. ``That's because we have lobbyists on site and have been in existence longer than the coalition.''
Jack Knapp, executive director of the Association of Independent Baptists, agreed. ``The foundation has the largest pro-family grassroots base in the state,'' he said.
Over the past three years, the tax-exempt foundation has increasingly exerted itself in some of the toughest social policy battles before the legislature. It doesn't win all or even half of its fights, causing some to question the group's clout.
But with Republicans appearing on the verge of gaining unprecedented majorities in both houses of the General Assembly, the foundation is playing an increasingly influential role in policy and debate.
The group supported Allen's controversial two-year refusal to accept federal Goals 2000 money for public schools, making Virginia the only state to boycott the program. Barbee privately counseled the governor and sent research that supported the governor's much-disputed opinion that Virginia would cede control of its schools to Washington by accepting the $23 million grant.
Under heavy election-year fire from Democrats, Allen last month finally accepted the money. Barbee, whose trust of the federal government is as small as a microbe, is not breathing easier. ``We need to see the small print to see if we will escape the onerous demands,'' he said.
The foundation strongly supported unsuccessful efforts this year for a state constitutional amendment affirming the rights of parents to direct the upbringing and education of their children - an endeavor Democrats predicted would open public schools to nuisance lawsuits. After the group urged its members to lobby for the amendment, more than 500 supporters overwhelmed a public hearing last month.
The organization is bound by a conviction that the family is being torn apart by high taxes and bureaucratic policies that limit the rights of parents to direct their children's upbringing. Although the group is perhaps best-known for its stands against abortion and gambling, Barbee estimates the foundation spends 70 percent of its energy promoting conservative, back-to-basics education standards.
The group favors use of public funds to underwrite tuitions at private schools. It backs the creation of charter schools - publicly funded academies that would be exempt from many state and local regulations. It opposes expanding rules for day-care centers. It also opposes legal recognition of gay marriages.
As if to announce its coming of age, the foundation held its first gala dinner last December in Richmond. That night, the governor was the guest of honor. Allen, on hand to receive the group's Courage in Leadership Award, urged some 500 formally attired diners to ``never become discouraged, because I believe our views are correct.''
Also at the dinner were all six of this year's Republican candidates for governor, lieutenant governor and attorney general; and representatives of several national evangelical groups, including Ralph Reed, executive director of the Christian Coalition. Helping to underwrite the event was a blend of traditional Main Street business and legal interests such as Richard Sharp, chairman of Circuit City Inc.; and the Richmond-based mega law firm McGuire, Woods, Battle & Boothe.
Mobilizing members to hearings and Republican leaders to fund-raisers lets the foundation flex its developing muscles. But Barbee says the group aims higher. ``We want to be a think tank,'' he said. ``We need a Virginia Heritage Foundation, a conservative state think tank on economic and educational issues.''
In that effort, late last year, the foundation published a 127-page ``Virginia Education Report Card'' written by a Stafford County teacher as a doctoral dissertation at the University of Virginia.
The study concludes that school systems which consistently perform best on standard tests are often not the richest ones. Instead, they teach reading by phonics, stress basic subjects and group students by their academic abilities.
Barbee hopes conservative candidates will use the widely distributed report as a base this fall to counter arguments that school funding must grow significantly. ``A computer in every classroom is a nice slogan,'' he said, ``but it won't teach children how to read.''
``The report was a real turning point for the Family Foundation,'' said state Sen. Mark Earley, R-Chesapeake, the group's point man in the upper chamber of the legislature. ``It's a very detailed and credible study,'' said Earley, who estimates he talks with officials from the organization about three times a week when the legislature is in session.
But Dick Pulley, a lobbyist with the Virginia Education Association, said the study fails to recognize a basic point. ``Without ample money, you can't hire the best teachers that are essential to learning,'' he said.
Like Pulley, many lobbyists and legislators who have clashed with the foundation offer grudging respect for the group's speed in pulling supporters to a rally in Richmond or mustering hundreds of phone calls to a lawmaker teetering on a crucial vote.
But that doesn't mean the group is widely admired outside deeply conservative circles.
``They are a tenacious, well-organized and terribly misguided group of people,'' said Charles J. Davis III, a Richmond lobbyist who represents casinos. ``They have a few hard-core beliefs that may sound good. But I think they really want to dictate lifestyles to all people of Virginia. They don't understand that people who disagree with them also have families and family values.''
Or, in the words of Del. Jerrauld C. Jones, D-Norfolk, who unsuccessfully sought a referendum on whether to allow riverboat gambling: ``This is an ultra-right-wing group that says it's part of the Christian right but is neither Christian nor right.''
``Their agenda, in my opinion, threatens the health and education of children,'' Jones added. ``They clearly stand in favor of charter schools and vouchers. Those are euphemisms for their desire to recast the public schools in their own image.''
Moderate Republican lawmakers, who sometimes stray from their party on social issues, complain about strong-arm tactics. The foundation names teetering legislators and their office numbers on its daily telephone hot line message, which can be accessed with a toll-free call from most of the state.
As Sen. Jane Woods, R-Fairfax, can attest, a mention on the hot line can bring hundreds of phone calls.
``Some of those people were making threats and really need to learn manners,'' said Woods, the only Senate Republican to oppose the parental rights amendment in the 21-19 vote that killed it. ``You can tell when a telephone campaign is being waged because most of the people say the exact same thing. I don't particularly pay attention when that happens and so many of the calls come from outside my district.''
Del. Leo C. Wardrup Jr., R-Virginia Beach, became so annoyed by the incessant calls before a vote on a gambling referendum last year that he angrily confronted a foundation liaison. ``I told him to turn it off,'' said Wardrup, who joined a minority voting for the referendum. ``All that organized pressure becomes counterproductive at some point. I'm far more impressed by one heart-felt letter from a constituent than 200 organized calls.''
And Del. Harry R. ``Bob'' Purkey, R-Virginia Beach, was livid last week after the Family Foundation's lobbyist sent him a note on the floor of House of Delegates asking him to change his vote on an amendment to a bill restricting teen-agers' rights to abortions.
``I resent being lobbied when the House is in session and we're casting votes,'' he said.
Barbee has little sympathy for lawmakers. He acknowledges that high-pressure phone campaigns may not win many new votes. ``But what else do you have?'' he asked. ``You're trying to get legislators to know how the citizenry feels about something.''
``I can understand if I'm a legislator, I don't want to get all these phone calls,'' he added. ``But as Harry Truman said, `If you can't stand the heat, get out of the kitchen.' It's part of your job.''
The foundation keeps its burners hot by staying in constant contact and exchanging information with a host of prominent national evangelical research and lobbying groups, most notably James C. Dobson's Focus on the Family.
The foundation operates from a small office in Fairfax city, with a staff of six and an annual budget of just over $200,000. ``We pay starvation wages,'' Barbee explained. The group's executive director, P. George Tryfiates, came from English First, a national group that opposes teaching school in foreign languages. The foundation's lobbyist, Robin DeJarnette, came from the anti-abortion Virginia Society for Human Life.
Barbee is sensitive to any suggestion that his conservative group does not represent mainstream thought. This year, for example, his group commissioned its first poll, whose results suggested that most Virginians support its views on parental rights.
``If I'm out in left field, why do the polls back me?'' Barbee asked. ``Why does George Allen have a 65 percent approval rating? Let's talk about mainstream and let the public decide.''
His veneration for Allen began in 1993 when Barbee interviewed the then-candidate for governor and found they agreed on just about everything. He personally endorsed Allen over two opponents seeking the GOP nomination.
After winning office, Allen showed his appreciation by naming Barbee to a commission seeking to streamline government and hiring Anne Kincaid as his director of constituent services. During a recent interview, Allen said there was no special significance to his relationship with the foundation. ``I talk to them as I talk to many groups,'' he said.
But Barbee proffers deep respect for the governor. ``He's the only politician I can ever remember who tried to keep all the promises of his campaign,'' he said. ``He's got a lot of courage. He stands on principle.''
Barbee acknowledges his group has become more effective under Allen and the rising Republican tide in the General Assembly.
``Last year we tracked 40 or 45 bills and our views prevailed about one-third of the time,'' he said. ``If you had only that to go by, you might say it's a pretty dismal record. But when we got started a few years ago, we used to go 0 for 100.'' MEMO: [For a related story, see page A12 of THE VIRGINIAN-PILOT for this
date.] ILLUSTRATION: [Color Photo]
IAN MARTIN
The Virginian-Pilot
Walter Barbee's group, which works with the Christian Coalition,
takes the lead in Virginia lobbying.
IAN MARTIN
The Virginian-Pilot
Walter Barbee - who has a mailing list of 40,000 Virginians - talks
with Family Foundation members Friday outside the General Assembly.
THE FAMILY FOUNDATION ON THE ISSUES
FAVORS
Passing a parental notification bill.
``A minor can have her ears pierced, or take an aspirin in
school, without parental permission, but in Virginia she can have an
abortion without parental notice or consent.'' Foundation also
favors a ban on partial-birth abortions.
Banning assisted suicide.
``Virginia is one of only a few states with no restrictions on
assisted suicide.''
Increasing dependent tax deduction.
``Polls show Virginia's families favor a family tax relief bill
to increase the dependent deduction from its present $800 to $2,400
over four years.''
Staying with Virginia's welfare reform plan.
``Polls show Virginia's families favor continuing the current
nationally acclaimed model welfare reform program passed by the
General Assembly.''
Giving parents school choice.
``School choice should allow parents to choose either public or
private schools.''
Reforming divorce laws.
No-fault divorce laws have created a social and economic disaster
for women and children.
OPPOSES
Legalizing casino gambling or expanding gambling.
``Virginia families are overwhelmingly opposed to any bill which
could result in the legalization of casino gambling in Virginia.''
Taking Goals 2000 money.
``Goals 2000 is a Trojan Horse. Goals 2000 is built on a flawed
thesis that a greater federal role in public education will improve
schools. It hasn't, it won't.''
Legalizing sodomy.
``This is a major goal of the gay agenda to legitimize unhealthy
and destructive homosexual practices.''
Codifying existing day-care regulations.
Favor new regulations (by Governor's Council on Child Day Care).
The proposed new ones would lower educational requirements for
caregivers and increase teacher-child ratios.
Giving gays fair housing and employment rights.
``Pedophiles and other sexual deviants would automatically be
included.''
ABOUT THE FOUNDATION
STATURE AND STATUS:
A tax-exempt group, based in Northern Virginia, that works for
conservative social policies at the state level. It can educate the
public on issues but may not endorse candidates.
Started in the late '70s to battle aspects of sex education in
schools; evolved into an effort to address other socially
conservative causes.
In Virginia, it has greater influence than the Christian
Coalition, which focuses more on national issues.
WHY IT MATTERS IN VIRGINIA
Connections and ties:
Leadership has the governor's ear.
It has access to other Republican leaders who hold or hope to win
statewide office this year.
Linked to the nation's largest evangelical broadcasting and
publishing empire, Colorado-based James C. Dobson's Focus on the
Family organization.
It will publish 50,000 copies of its General Assembly report card
this year, when all 100 seats in the House of Delegates are up for
re-election.
These ``report cards'' track votes on issues the foundation cares
most about. Because the ratings generally favor socially
conservative lawmakers, Republicans usually get the highest grades.
Republicans need only four seats to win a majority in the House.
SOURCE: The Family Foundation
HOW TO GET IN TOUCH
The Family Foundation; 3817-B Plaza Drive; Fairfax, Va.
22030-2512
Phone: (703) 273-9555; Fax: (703) 273-9656
e-mail: vafamily1(AT)aol.com
HOT-LINE PHONE NUMBERS: (757) 552-1710 (Hampton Roads)
(540) 434-4466 (Shenandoah Valley area)
KEYWORDS: LOBBYIST