Roanoke Times
Copyright (c) 1995, Landmark Communications, Inc.
DATE: MONDAY, March 2, 1992 TAG: 9203020103
SECTION: VIRGINIA PAGE: A1 EDITION: METRO
SOURCE: WARREN FISKE STAFF WRITER
DATELINE: BETHESDA, MD. LENGTH: Long
The 51-year-old Democrat, winner of the New Hampshire primary last month, can't seem to win respect as a nationally electable candidate.
In an age of telegenic candidates, Tsongas has an unnatural smile and a nasal voice. In a era of sound-bite speeches, Tsongas is more inclined to lecture audiences on fiscal affairs. Warning against "Twinkie economic policies," he is the only candidate - Democrat or Republican - who rejects offering tax cuts to the middle class.
Although the New Hampshire victory clearly catapulted him to the top tier of Democratic candidates, Tsongas has yet to prove that he can win outside his native New England. After finishing a disappointing fourth last week in South Dakota, Tsongas is staking his future on Tuesday's primary in Maryland.
"Maryland is critical to us," he told about 400 supporters at a fund-raising dinner last week in this wealthy Washington suburb. "Now is the time when we absolutely have to get our message out."
The message, outlined in a detailed campaign booklet, "A Call to Economic Arms," marks Tsongas as the most fiscally conservative Democratic presidential prospect in modern times. Though a conventional Democratic liberal on such social issues as abortion and gay rights, Tsongas is in many respects economically to the right even of President Bush and GOP challenger Patrick Buchanan.
For example, Tsongas scoffs at popular proposals to reduce the middle-class tax burden, dismissing them as an expedient way to win votes at the expense of deepening the nation's deficit. "I am not Santa Claus," he says. "I offer no easy, feel-good answers to our economic problems."
Alone among the Democratic candidates, Tsongas wants to cut the capital gains tax for long-term securities. He is considering abolition of capital gains for securities held more than seven years. The cuts will stimulate investment vital to rebuilding the nation's manufacturing base, he argues.
Tsongas favors free trade. He opposes labor-backed legislation that would prevent companies from replacing workers on strike. He favors a market-oriented health insurance plan similar to one advanced by Bush.
"The problem with Democrats is that they love employment but hate employers," Tsongas said recently.
"We have long believed that wealth would be created by others and that we, as Democrats, would intervene to preserve fairness by the equitable distribution of that wealth," he added. "But there is one glaring truth today: You cannot redistribute wealth that is never created."
Tsongas' message has been so well-received among Republicans that Senate Majority Leader Robert Dole, R-Kan., offered him a free trip to Washington to "convince fellow Democrats to abandon class warfare" and give up their "anti-growth, anti-business, anti-consumer agenda."
But on other economic issues, Tsongas differs dramatically from Republicans. Unlike Bush, he would exempt real estate from his capital gains cut. And he would pay for capital-gains reductions by raising the top individual income tax rate to 34 percent or 35 percent.
Even more controversial is a Tsongas proposal to raise the gasoline tax by as much as 50 cents per gallon over the next 10 years. Tsongas says the revenues would be used to encourage conservation and pay for public works. Critics say the tax would unfairly hurt the poor and middle class.
Although he won wide respect as an environmentalist when he served in Congress from 1975 to 1985, Tsongas also favors the development and use of nuclear power. He says his support is based largely on his concern that too much use of coal and oil will lead to global warming. "Nuclear power, coal or oil, pick your poison," he says.
Tsongas was encouraged last week by a poll which showed him running first in Maryland, with a 7 percentage-point lead over Arkansas Gov. Bill Clinton. But political scientists say even a victory in Maryland may not save Tsongas from getting trounced by Clinton on March 10, Super Tuesday, when seven Southern and border states hold primaries.
"I'm not sure Maryland is any bellwether for the South," said Earl Black, a University of South Carolina political scientist. "Tsongas is still a stranger to the South. He's had no presence here and no pockets of strength. Basically, he's going to be perceived as another Northeastern liberal. I think he's going to do very poorly on Super Tuesday."
Such comments vex Tsongas, who told Maryland voters last week that his campaign has been raising up to $100,000 a day since his New Hampshire victory and is on the verge of a breakthrough.
"People keep wanting to pat me on the head and say, `Nice guy, great ideas, too bad he can't win,' " he said. "All that can change in Maryland."
Tsongas' no-nonsense, low-key style has made him a darling of affluent baby-boomers. Polls in several states have shown that he is the first choice of Democratic voters with college educations and high incomes.
"He's the only candidate in this year's field who has the courage to tell the truth," says Lilith Rem, a 44-year-old management consultant from Annapolis, Md., who is supporting Tsongas. "He's the only one who's telling us we've got to bite the bullet."
But polls also suggest Tsongas has difficult problems to overcome if he is to win the nomination. For starters, he has scant support from blacks and blue-collar workers.
"His appeal to Democrats appears limited," said Black of the University of South Carolina. "He may not be able to speak the language of wage workers and the poor."
And there is his health. Doctors have declared Tsongas completely recovered from the lymphatic cancer that prompted him to retire from Congress in the mid-1980s. But 25 percent of the voters in last week's South Dakota primary expressed reservations about his well-being. Tsongas has tried to quiet the concerns by airing television commercials that show him swimming robustly.
There also are questions about the depth of his campaign organization. Tsongas spent almost all of 1991 focusing on New Hampshire, a decision that has left him behind Clinton and Nebraska Sen. Bob Kerrey in laying groundwork for future primary states, particularly in the South and Midwest.
There also is underlying concern about Tsongas' status as a Greek-American from Massachusetts. Many supporters worry that he will be unfairly handicapped by the failings of the last Greek-American from Massachusetts to run for president: former Gov. Michael Dukakis.
Finally, there's the question of charisma. "He doesn't have a lot of charm," says Thomas Marshall, the owner of a small store in Annapolis. "Personally, I like the idea of not having to cut through a lot of pre-packaging to get to the man. But ultimately, he may not have enough charisma to convince people he's electable."
Tsongas, in typical deadpan style, acknowledged as much to Maryland voters during a speech last week. "People have never doubted the substance of what I've been talking about," he said. "They all say "I wish he was more telegenic.' Hell, I wish I was more telegenic, too."
Keywords:
POLITICS
by CNB