Roanoke Times
Copyright (c) 1995, Landmark Communications, Inc.
DATE: MONDAY, March 23, 1992 TAG: 9203240422
SECTION: EDITORIAL PAGE: A8 EDITION: METRO
SOURCE:
DATELINE: LENGTH: Medium
Legislators might tremble and hide, he said, but he would not. With his slingshot, he would stand up for the little people against the health industry's rich and nefarious special-interest colossi who were reaping profits even as they balked at paying a modest share of soaring health-care costs for the poor.
The legislature rejected the health-industry assessment (as it did other revenue-raising devices - such as an increase in the tobacco tax - that might have eased a portion of the pain Medi-caid is inflicting on the state budget).
But the governor's effort made nonetheless an interesting spectacle. Wilder, whose approval rating at home sunk to unprecedented lows while he tilted at presidential windmills, seems to have settled on populist ploys as a means of restoring his popularity in the commonwealth. The newest instrument of this tactic is the veto.
Twice recently, he has vetoed bills closely identified with powerful business lobbying groups. One, to eliminate a 25-day, interest-free grace period on credit-card purchases, was pushed by Virginia's banking industry and an economic-recovery commission headed by Lt. Gov. Don Beyer. The second, to raise the speed limit for big trucks on rural interstate highways, was supported by the trucking industry.
In vetoing the bills, Wilder said it was his responsibility to be "the citizens' lobbyist."
He did the right thing on the speed limit for trucks, the wrong thing on credit cards. Beyond the bills' merits, though, his liberal use of the veto raises questions about his governing style.
Now, don't get us wrong. A measure of populism in the governor's office is as refreshing as it is rare. There can be few nobler endeavors in politics than to take stands and fight the good fights against moneyed interests. We also, however, want straight-shooting.
Lawmakers say that, as these two bills made their way through the legislature - each the subject of several hearings and votes - there was no hint from Wilder that he had trouble with either.
Ordinarily, such hints are forthcoming from the governor's office, particularly on bills of such high profile as these. Sometimes, communication between the executive and legislature facilitates a compromise. At the least, if the governor's position is adamant, legislators might be spared wheel-spinning and time-wasting (unless, of course, they're into posing as well!).
Wilder's failure to communicate well with lawmakers is not constructive. It, as much as anything, led to the defeat of his health-provider tax. Assembly leaders say the governor plunged forward with the proposal without attempting to make the case for it with legislators. He tried instead to make a flashy end-run around the assembly by working through the media.
Time and again, his mixed signals baffled and alienated Democratic allies. ("Why does he do things like this?" asked House Speaker Tom Moss. "He operates differently from the other governors I've worked under.") Sen. Robert Calhoun, R-Alexandria, accuses Wilder of practicing "the politics of symbolism, the likes of which you've not seen since Henry Howell."
The governor may be coming across a populist. But by playing the unpredictable lone ranger, he undercuts his effectiveness as citizens' lobbyist. Lobbyists don't get their kicks from, or make a habit of, blindsiding lawmakers.
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