Roanoke Times
Copyright (c) 1995, Landmark Communications, Inc.
DATE: SUNDAY, January 10, 1993 TAG: 9301100177
SECTION: HORIZON PAGE: F-1 EDITION: METRO
SOURCE: CHARLES GREEN KNIGHT-RIDDER/TRIBUNE
DATELINE: WASHINGTON LENGTH: Long
LACK OF CLEAR DIRECTION MAY DIVIDE THE CABINET
Arriving here a dozen years ago, Ronald Reagan's appointees understood their mission."They knew they were supposed to look for ways to reduce the size of the federal government, ways to shift functions to the states, ways to reduce the tax burden on individuals and ways to reduce government regulations," recalled Stuart Butler of the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank that helped engineer the Reagan transition.
But with Bill Clinton and his team, there appears to be no comparable set of agreed upon principles.
While Clinton has set priorities - such as stimulating the economy, reforming the health-care system and reducing the budget deficit - he has not consistently articulated a clear philosophical framework for his policies.
"I don't think anyone has a sense of where he intends to go. And I don't think that what we've seen so far gives us an inkling," said Douglas Besharov, a domestic policy analyst at the American Enterprise Institute.
The lack of clarity gives Clinton - who has pledged to be a "different kind of Democrat" - more maneuvering room to tackle problems, build coalitions and achieve results. Few will quibble if he delivers economic growth, a less costly health-care system and lower deficits.
But confusion over Clinton's principles could lead to debilitating infighting in his administration and sap confidence in his leadership. Ideological divisions within the Democratic Party - muted during the presidential campaign - could resurface quickly over such issues as welfare reform, social spending and trade.
The single best guide to Clinton's philosophy may be "Mandate for Change," the book published in early December by the Progressive Policy Institute, a Democratic think tank with close ties to Clinton.
Five principles for governing are listed in the book:
Opportunity. Free market economic growth is considered the basis for opportunity for all. And equality is defined in terms of opportunity, not results.
Reciprocal responsibility. Government has a responsibility to stimulate growth and provide equal opportunity. Citizens have a responsibility to work and give something back to their country. An example: a civilian GI bill that offers public aid for college in return for community service.
Community. The federal government should empower families and community organizations to solve their own problems, not try to replace them with public programs or institutions.
Democracy. America's security policies need to be organized around the goal of protecting national interests by promoting democracy and free markets.
Innovative government. Centralized, top-down government programs should be rejected. Marginal federal programs should be eliminated or shifted to the states. More choices should be available to the public - such as allowing parents to send children to any public school they choose.
"We're going to inject mainstream values like work and responsibility into our policies," predicted Al From, a longtime Clinton ally who is overseeing domestic policy during the transition.
"We believe in activist government, make no mistake about that," said From. "But we believe that if we are going to be a party that promotes activist government, we have to have a government that is responsive to the American people, that is accountable to taxpayers, that provides services effectively and offers more choices in public services."
Although From is confident of Clinton's allegiance to the five principles, Clinton's record as a presidential candidate and president-elect sends contradictory signals about his intentions.
Clinton has embraced several programs straight out of the pages of "Mandate for Change." On welfare reform, for instance, Clinton advocated that welfare recipients, after two years of education and training, be required to go to work and removed from the welfare rolls.
Likewise, Clinton favors a national service plan that would replace the current student loan program.
But Clinton also has made campaign promises at odds with the "Mandate for Change" principles and he has named Cabinet members who have never been identified as reformers.
During the campaign, Clinton promised to maintain federal funding for the arts, local economic development, local transportation projects and local law enforcement. Those are all areas where no federal role is justified, according to "Mandate for Change."
His Cabinet appears less reformist than establishment. Some nominees, such as Treasury Secretary-designate Lloyd Bentsen, seem comfortable with changing government at the margins, rather than overhauling it. Others, like Health and Human Services Secretary-designate Donna Shalala, have been identified with the liberal wing of the party pushing for more federal spending on social programs.
"He has already set up the likelihood of conflict with his appointments," said Gary Bauer, who was Ronald Reagan's domestic policy adviser and now heads the Family Research Council, a conservative advocacy group.
Bauer predicts the conflict will surface quickly over whether Clinton adheres to the fairly conservative principles laid out by the Progressive Policy Institute or follows a more traditional, liberal approach of big government.
"I think there are a lot of signs of real early strain that will be played out in the coming months," Bauer said.
Divisions could work to the benefit of entrenched interest groups and members of Congress less than enamored with such ideas as limiting federal regulations, abolishing federal programs and giving more power to state and local governments.
"These groups are going to test him," predicted Robert Lerman, an American University economics professor who helped write "Mandate for Change." "They will be hopeful that he will emphasize more liberal, traditional Democratic positions. He will have to decide whether or not he's going to press for his alternative approaches.
Look for these battles early in Clinton's administration:
Trade. Clinton has endorsed the free trade agreement with Mexico and Canada, but wants to negotiate additional protections for the environment and U.S. workers. Clinton may have to take on organized labor to get the agreement through Congress.
Bureaucracy. Clinton promised to eliminate 100,000 unnecessary federal jobs, but he can expect opposition from public employee unions, special interest groups and members of Congress more interested in expanding government, not shrinking it.
Welfare reform. "He ran considerably to the right of George Bush on welfare, which means he ran light years to the right of Democrats in Congress," said Besharov of the American Enterprise Institute. "He will have heaven and earth to move if he wants a welfare reform bill like he described."
Deficit reduction. Soon after taking office, Clinton is expected to twin a deficit reduction package with his economic stimulus program. If Clinton subscribes to the principle that the federal government should transfer more programs to state and local governments, the stimulus-deficit package may present the best opportunity of his administration for restructuring government.