Roanoke Times
Copyright (c) 1995, Landmark Communications, Inc.
DATE: SUNDAY, February 14, 1993 TAG: 9302140142
SECTION: VIRGINIA PAGE: C8 EDITION: METRO
SOURCE: ROB EURE STAFF WRITER
DATELINE: RICHMOND LENGTH: Medium
CANDIDATES TESTING WATER WITH SUPPORT OF GUN BILL
When Del. Clinton Miller took the House floor last week to argue for the one-gun-a-month proposal, it was perhaps the best dramatic moment in all the debate and wrangling over gun control this year.It also was the first bold calculation of the 1993 campaign for governor.
With an eloquence that has come to mark him, the Republican from Woodstock drew a rousing two-minute ovation with his plea for the bill.
"How many handguns does it take for a law-abiding Virginia citizen to be happy for one month?" Miller asked. "If it saves one life, if it saves one serious injury, if it keeps one handgun out of the hands of a potential killer, one gun a month is worth it. . . . This is so basic, so human, so decent. Vote on that basis."
That the high moment came from a Republican, and one running for governor at that, attests to the reversal of the gun lobby in Virginia, a state long on its tradition of protecting the rights of gun owners.
GOP politicians have been reliable allies of the pro-gun lobby. The idea of gun control cuts against some of the party's central themes.
"I'm just philosophically opposed to any curbing of individual rights," says Sally Gregg, president of the moderate-leaning Virginia Federation of Republican Women. "But I also believe in individual responsibility. I'm not avid either way on gun control."
But through Miller's speech and the high-profile positions taken by such other Republicans as U.S. Attorney Richard Cullen and Del. Steven Agee of Salem, a candidate for attorney general, some Republicans are testing whether the spread of violence has become so prevalent a public concern that gun control is becoming a legitimate law-and-order campaign issue.
Cullen broke ground in GOP circles by teaming up with Gov. Douglas Wilder from the start of this year's gun debate and helping craft a compromise measure that eventually passed the Senate. Agee carried that compromise on the House floor, but when it was defeated, he voted for the original, stronger bill approved by the House.
But Miller's position may be the most interesting because he comes from the rural Shenandoah Valley and is seeking the governorship. Generally, legislators from rural areas, Democrat or Republican, have refused to support gun control because of the popularity of gun sports back home.
His vocal support could be seen as a test of whether gun control is an issue that resonates in the suburban areas where Republicans are strongest. Miller, who has little money and less organization, badly trails his two opponents for the nomination.
Miller's gun-control speech demonstrated his best qualifications for the job. His stance was gutsy and forceful, and it may have accomplished the rare feat of actually changing votes on the floor of the House.
If Miller were running in a primary, his stance might help in the urban corridor from Northern Virginia to Hampton Roads.
But Miller must rely on the votes of Republican regulars who will attend local party meetings in March to select delegates to the state convention this spring.
In that arena, which may not be fully reflective of the party, the popularity of gun control is much more in question.
That is evident from the response of other Republicans in the statewide nomination battles.
George Allen of Charlottesville, who is considered the front-runner for the GOP nomination for governor, opposes the original one-gun-per-month proposal and did not endorse the Republican compromise. Earle Williams of McLean, was likewise against the original plan but supported the alternative backed by Republicans in the legislature.
Agee's opponent for the attorney general's nomination, Henrico County prosecutor James Gilmore, is running as a law-and-order candidate and has acknowledged to friends he is ducking the issue.
Pat Mullins, GOP chairman in Fairfax County, is certain that inside the party gun control will work against Republicans who voted for it.
"I've got probably the most suburban county in the state, and I can tell you people who own guns for sport and target shooting are a factor in our party," Mullins said. "They are incensed at what has happened in the legislature, and the ramifications will be seen in the convention process."
Mullins points out what pollsters have found for years, that gun control is a dominating motivation for voters who oppose it but rarely works as well to motivate those who favor it.
"I admire Clint for standing up for what he believes in," said Gregg of the Republican women's group. "Whether or not it's a helpful position to take, I'm not so sure."
Rob Eure covers state politics and government in this newspaper's Richmond bureau.
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POLITICS