Roanoke Times
Copyright (c) 1995, Landmark Communications, Inc.
DATE: THURSDAY, June 2, 1994 TAG: 9406070051
SECTION: EDITORIAL PAGE: A-13 EDITION: METRO
SOURCE: Ray L. Garland
DATELINE: LENGTH: Long
In contemplating the remnants of Robb's once-solid reputation for probity in matters public and private, one recalls the old saying, "Of all the words of tongue or pen, the saddest of these is 'what might have been.'''
Had he taken advantage of the awful fear that gripped Republicans following Sen. Paul Trible's flight from the race to confess a course of private conduct grossly unbecoming a governor of Virginia, he almost certainly would have won election to the Senate in 1988 anyway. The quality of Robb's opponent might have improved and the margin of his victory diminished. But a frank confession with appropriate pleas for charity and forgiveness, followed by victory at the polls, would have been tantamount to being washed in the blood of the lamb.
While a painfully frank confession might have reduced the Johnson-Robb presidential itch to little more than a mild rash, it would have had the advantage of freeing the senator to be a courageous voice in the Congress, dissenting from the dogmas that rule both parties.
In fairness, there have been moments when he seemed to aspire to such a role. But his follow-through has been weak and every brave step has been voided by a series of surrenders to the tenets of liberal orthodoxy and party loyalty.
Robb has been consistent in pleading for both increased federal taxes and cuts in expenditures. He supported broad tax increases in 1991 and 1993, and has persistently called for further, huge increases in the federal gasoline tax. He cast tough votes last year upholding President Clinton's pitch for taxing a larger share of Social Security benefits, and just the other day he said he could support means-testing for Social Security and other federal entitlements.
The flaw in this bravado is that Robb surely knows that liberals controlling Congress will make sure that virtually all funds raised by new taxes or cutting entitlements for the affluent will be diverted to new programs designed to expand the reach of government and assure their place in the firmament of power. Ironically, these new programs, such as National Service and a greater role for the federal government in public education, are the very ones Robb warmly embraces.
The National Competitiveness Act is another Clinton-Robb favorite. It was passed last year with a modest $1.5 billion appropriation. It was recently up for renewal at $2.8 billion, and Robb was right there, helping beat back Republican efforts to trim it. Under it, the Department of Commerce is empowered to make loans and grants to "promising technologies."
I don't know the annual investment in "promising technologies" by American private enterprise, but it must be hundreds of times greater than the small sums contemplated here. The idea that federal bureaucrats, with a little help from Congress, could identify something truly promising that's overlooked by a vast congregation of private investors is farfetched.
But we can be sure of one thing: The projects selected by Secretary of Commerce Ron Brown will be politically correct and politically well-connected. That some will be tainted by influence-peddling and ultimate scandal is a foregone conclusion. But congressional longevity will be assured when incumbents pose with recipients of those checks in their districts. Loud will be the hosannas from a chorus of useful idiots in the local media and establishment turned out for the occasion.
It would be nice to hear a few apologies from those addlebrained businessmen who embraced Robb with such fervor when he arrived on the Virginia political scene in 1977. They might make specific reference to his vote to gut the Hatch Act that had kept federal workers out of partisan politics for more than 50 years, and his vote to end debate on the bill pending in the Senate (it has already passed the House) requiring firms to give striking workers their jobs back and to rescind any raises or promotions given those who didn't walk out.
Cutting off debate, or ending the Republican-led filibuster on the striker-replacement bill, is almost certain to bring about its enactment. Even The Washington Post has come out against it, but not Robb.
The teachers' union would dearly love to federalize the public schools because it would vastly simplify the task of bringing influence to bear on policy-makers. Congress recently passed a bill establishing national goals and standards for public schools, attaching a modest $422 million as an enforcer. Robb has boasted of his vote in favor (Sen. John Warner opposed it) by saying it would make $12.3 million in new funds available for education in Virginia. But the state and localities will spend more than $6 billion on public schools next year, and less than 5 percent of that will come from the federal government.
But the arrival of federal goals, standards and tests will be the opening wedge of broader federal mandates to come, as we have seen in virtually every sphere where Congress has aspired to be the tail that wags the dog.
If this shriveled husk of a leader, having repudiated much of what he once stood for, and clinging to the raft of Clintonism for survival, now makes his way back to the Senate, it will be a monument to the stupidity of those who should be opposing him with clear eyes and great seriousness of purpose.
Republicans should be under no illusion: Robb's likely victory in the June 14 primary will be seen by many as some kind of vindication, and give a nice lift to his sails toward November.
Ray L. Garland is a Roanoke Times & World-News columnist. He will attend the state Republican convention this weekend as a delegate for candidate Jim Miller.
Keywords:
POLITICS
by CNB