Roanoke Times
Copyright (c) 1995, Landmark Communications, Inc.
DATE: FRIDAY, June 3, 1994 TAG: 9406030102
SECTION: EDITORIAL PAGE: A-6 EDITION: METRO
SOURCE:
DATELINE: LENGTH: Medium
In the meantime, all Americans can only gape in wonder at the crimes of which the Illinois Democrat stands accused. The 17-count indictment issued this week does not outline offenses normally associated with the typical, much-deplored congressional lifestyle: influence-buying by industry lobbyists, campaign slush funds laundered through political parties, golfing trips paid for by special interests and the like. Most of that kind of corruption has been perfectly legal.
Rostenkowski is accused of old-fashioned graft: using expense accounts for personal enrichment, employing ghost workers and pocketing the pay for work not done, routinely using federal employees to do work at his homes. A little here, a little there, and the alleged crimes add up to more than $600,000 in public funds diverted to personal use, according to U.S. Attorney Eric Holder.
Which clearly goes beyond the routine perks of the powerful. Contrary to Rep. Robert Torricelli's suggestion, Rostenkowski's alleged transgressions aren't "things which, a generation ago, were probably somewhat accepted." Maybe in the old Chicago political machine, but not among the public at large, and not in Congress.
Rostenkowski has chosen to fight the charges rather than accept a plea bargain that would have required jail time. He remains innocent until proven guilty, of course, though it is appropriate that he has been made to resign his post as chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee. His fate may be a jury's to decide.
Even so, when Rostenkowski says "I did not commit any crimes; my conscience is clear," the hope is that he doesn't mean he committed the offenses for which he is indicted, but deems them less than serious or criminal. No one ought to find convincing an argument that everyone does this, that this is simply how Congress works.
And speaking of how Congress works, would it not constitute an indictment against the institution if an indictment of one of its members imperils health-care reform, as some have suggested?
If the most important domestic legislation since Social Security cannot be shepherded through Congress without Rostenkowski in his chairman's chair, he was obviously too powerful. Which might also help explain the mystery underlying the indictment: how someone with so much to lose could risk everything for so little. The lesson that power breeds arrogance seems obvious to everyone except the powerful.
Rostenkowski's fall is a blow to the Clinton administration, say the analysts. But it is the country that needs health-care reform. Other lawmakers should move into the breach to make sure legislation is enacted.
Indeed, the best hope for reform lies not with Democratic leaders ramming through a partisan plan, but with moderates in both parties negotiating a bipartisan package. That would serve the public trust Rostenkowski is accused of betraying.
by CNB