Roanoke Times
                 Copyright (c) 1995, Landmark Communications, Inc.

DATE: WEDNESDAY, October 26, 1994                   TAG: 9411180014
SECTION: EDITORIAL                    PAGE: A9   EDITION: METRO 
SOURCE: SUZANNE FIEDERLEIN AND DAVE PRUETT
DATELINE:                                 LENGTH: Long

U.S. POLICY IN HAITI IS IDEALISTIC - AND IT'S WORKING

Clinton is no saint, and his international inexperience has led to quite a few missteps, particularly in Bosnia. However, there are several admirable and even remarkable aspects to our current intervention in Haiti. It is time to give credit where credit is due.

First, a massive military invasion took place with no loss of American lives and, thus far, with remarkably limited loss of life among Haitians. While many credit the team led by former President Jimmy Carter with this success, it was Clinton's combination of resolve to act and willingness to try all possible alternatives that caused the Haitian strongmen to acquiesce their power. For a man who has been too often criticized as spineless, it is no exaggeration to say that Bill Clinton staked his presidency on the Haitian gamble.

Second and more remarkable, the invasion of Haiti, popular or not, took place in the light of public awareness. All too often, previous American presidents have turned to clandestine intervention in Latin America precisely to circumvent public scrutiny. Their policies - most of which would have never survived the light of day - frequently were disastrous for both Latin America and the image and soul of the United States.

For example, eight years after the Iran-Contra scandal broke, the truth about the Reagan administration's policy toward Nicaragua continues to be obfuscated by former White House aide and current Senate candidate Oliver North.

Deception of Congress and the American people was the guiding principle of Reagan's National Security Council policy to continue support for the anti-Sandinista Contras, even after Congress had passed the Boland Amendment specifically to suspend their funding. To hide this renegade activity from the purview of Congress, North shredded documents and lied to Congress. The shadowy Iran-Contra connection was pursued, candidate North now claims, ``to save lives,'' presumably those of Americans then captive in Lebanon. Obviously, the 30,000 Nicaraguans and one American, Benjamin Linder, who died in the Contra war do not count in the eyes of Oliver North.

Third, the United States' policy toward Haiti was established within the framework of the Organization of American States, which initially recommended the economic embargo of Haiti, and the subsequent invasion was fully sanctioned by the United Nations. Eventually, multinational peacekeeping forces will replace U.S. troops; the first contingent of peacekeepers already is in place.

The absence of international condemnation of our actions in itself attests to the degree of international consensus in regard to Haiti. Again, contrast this with the illicit Contra war, which was overwhelmingly condemned by the World Court, as well as by many of our traditional Western allies.

Fourth, and most remarkable, our present intervention in Haiti marks perhaps the first time the U.S. military entered a Latin American country to restore rights, equality and democracy to the masses of disenfranchised poor. Virtually every other American involvement - despite official rhetoric to the contrary - furthered the interests of the rich and powerful elite.

Consider that the CIA-orchestrated coup in Guatemala in 1954, which overthrew the democratically elected government of Jacobo Arbenz, was precipitated to protect the land claims of United Fruit, an American company, against the land-redistribution agenda of President Arbenz. The counterinsurgency state that replaced the Arbenz government unleashed a reign of terror that resulted in an estimated 200,000 civilian deaths in three decades. To this day, Guatemalans continue to struggle against government institutionalized terror.

More recently, during the '80s, the United States pumped more than $2 billion into the government of El Salvador, which relied on the military and right-wing death squads to maintain the dominance of its powerful elite.

These forces were responsible for the bulk of the more than 75,000 deaths in the country's 12-year civil war against leftist rebels. Among those killed by the military and death squads were Archbishop Oscar Romero in March 1980, four American churchwomen in December 1980, six Jesuit priests in November 1989, and countless campesinos and urban poor. The truth of these murders, kept from the American public by former U.S. administrations, came to light only because of the ``truth commissions'' established during the recent national reconciliation process in El Salvador.

There can be little doubt that the United States has chosen the high road in Haiti. It can be seen from the joy expressed by Haitian people on nightly news broadcasts, from the arrests of paramilitary thugs, from the departures of the Haitian generals and police commander and from the jubilant celebration at the return of President Aristide. The wisdom of this policy also is evidenced by the beginning of a reverse exodus of Haitian refugees returning to their country.

While Bill Clinton can be criticized for waiting too long to act in Haiti, or for being overly generous to the exiled military leaders, such shortcomings pale as the winds of democracy begin to blow in Haiti. In truth, Bill Clinton's ``great crime'' has been to implement foreign policy consistent with American ideals, an act that strikes fear in the hearts of all those who benefit economically and politically from institutionalized repression.

Haiti may well signal a watershed in U.S. foreign policy toward Latin America. During the difficult tasks of constructing democratic institutions in Haiti and rebuilding a shattered economy, new challenges and problems are certain to arise. However, now that the elected president has been restored, new opportunities await Haitians and the international community. Freedom-loving Americans - Democrat, Republican or nonpartisan - eagerly or grudgingly, should commend Bill Clinton on Haiti. It is one of our finest hours.

Suzanne Fiederlein and Dave Pruett live in Williamsburg. Fiederlein is an associate professor of political science and public administration at Virginia Commonwealth University.