ROANOKE TIMES

                         Roanoke Times
                 Copyright (c) 1995, Landmark Communications, Inc.

DATE: FRIDAY, November 25, 1994                   TAG: 9411300028
SECTION: EDITORIAL                    PAGE: A-14   EDITION: METRO 
SOURCE: 
DATELINE:                                 LENGTH: Medium


FILIB(L)USTER

TALK ISN'T always cheap. It can be quite costly, for instance, when it takes the form of a Senate filibuster - or even the threat of a filibuster - that blocks action which could benefit the country.

Talk is cheap, unfortunately, when it comes to airing political grievances and making political promises that drift away with every shift of the political winds.

One political gripe that gets plenty of hot-air time is the Senate filibuster itself. Those in power denounce it as thwarting the will of the majority; those out of power embrace it as a weapon against a tyranny of the majority.

When the outs get in and the ins get thrown out, each side decides the other was right all along.

Iowa Sen. Tom Harkin is out to break that cycle. As a member of the Democratic majority of the last Congress, he saw his party's will - and the nation's best interests - thwarted numerous times by Republican threats to filibuster: many more times than ever before in America's history.

As an opponent of specific legislation, he has used the filibuster himself. Now, with the political makeup of Congress turned inside out, he is urging fellow Democrats to downgrade one of the minority party's most effective weapons.

Some Democrats might think of it as unilateral disarmament. But the time for it is exactly right. With the GOP eager to push an agenda widely embraced by voters - and Democrats clearly mindful of legislation that, despite bipartisan support, was blocked by Republican obstructionism - perhaps both parties can be convinced of the need to cool the partisan warfare and show more respect for majority rule.

Harkin's proposal recognizes the value of a filibuster to slow down legislative machinery long enough for full debate. He sensibly suggests keeping it, but reducing the number of votes needed to end debate each time the Senate votes on such a motion - going from the current 60 to, finally, a simple majority. When all is said, some of it many times over, something must get done.



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