Roanoke Times Copyright (c) 1995, Landmark Communications, Inc. DATE: THURSDAY, August 31, 1995 TAG: 9508310044 SECTION: EDITORIAL PAGE: A-13 EDITION: METRO SOURCE: RAY L. GARLAND DATELINE: LENGTH: Long
Powell's memoirs will shortly appear and he will begin the obligatory round of network shows, followed by a tour of major local markets. When that's completed in mid-October, he may tell us whether he intends to enter politics. Meanwhile, more Earthbound politicians, like Clinton and Gingrich, will disgrace themselves in the eyes of the great disaffected, who couldn't even find Iraq on the map, by fighting over the grubby details of policy.
Those who've heard Powell at one of his infrequent public appearances say he comes close to being a great orator. But great oratory must also have a great content. Judging by what little has trickled into print, he's limiting himself to platitudes and homilies.
For most of American history, it was thought unseemly for one to seek the presidency openly. But no president or candidate in decades hasn't had to fight hard for the honor. And those who skipped the party process and simply nominated themselves have yet to play more than a spoiler's role.
Given the volatility of our TV-driven times, it isn't impossible for an independent to be elected president. Had Ross Perot been less than terminally weird he might have turned the trick in 1992. Powell, already a pre-sold national hero and role model, would have an excellent chance.
In a recent trial heat between Clinton as the Democratic nominee, Sen. Robert Dole as the GOP candidate, and Powell running as an independent, 27 percent of those polled chose Powell. That compared to 34 percent for Clinton and 29 percent for Dole.
The conventional view is once Powell starts taking positions on domestic issues his support will drop like a stone. But he doesn't have to do that. "Duty, Honor, Country," as another famous general put it, would be all he really needs in a campaign. Governing, of course, would be something else.
The last general in this position was Dwight Eisenhower. His politics were also a great mystery. President Harry Truman tried to recruit him as the Democratic candidate in 1952 when it became apparent that even if Truman wanted a second term in his own right, he would have great difficulty winning it.
Eisenhower, then commanding NATO, had almost convinced people he wasn't available when the liberal wing of the Republican Party drafted him to oppose Sen. Robert Taft. But the nomination wasn't given Eisenhower on a silver platter. He and his handlers fought Taft all the way to the convention floor, where they narrowly prevailed.
Gen. "Ike" was almost universally beloved as the soldier's soldier who led Allied forces to total victory on the Western Front in World War II. Powell is known for presiding over victory in the 1991 war against Iraq, from his post in the Pentagon.
We can hardly expect an honest accounting of those events in Powell's memoir, or the one from former President George Bush that will follow. There are still too many secrets to be kept.
The scuttlebutt is that Powell strongly opposed making war on Iraq, and once hostilities were under way, urged a quick ending. He will doubtless tell a different story. But the idea that Iraq was any match for the forces of the United States and its numerous allies was farfetched. Ditto for the notion it should take six months to get forces in place to kick Saddam Hussein out of Kuwait.
But the American people will hardly cavil over a short and gloriously successful war. One thing you must credit Powell for learning from Vietnam, where he also served, is that when dealing with small foes in the age of television, keep the press pacified with pap while orchestrating a quick, cheap victory employing overwhelming power.
From the proceeds of his book and lecture fees, Powell can be a wealthy man. There's hardly a corporation in the country that wouldn't love to have him on its board. Without touching politics, he's assured a future of limitless fame and fortune.
But Powell is needed in our politics, just as Eisenhower was needed in 1952. For one thing, he could restore some dignity. The mistake would be taking what seems the obvious and easy road of declaring as an independent. That could work in the election, but it would render a Powell presidency needlessly vulnerable and perhaps ultimately ineffective. There will be few, if any, independents in the next Congress.
There would be nothing wrong with Powell declaring himself a Democrat and challenging Clinton. He might be surprised at how rapidly the president folds. Winning the GOP nomination would be far more doubtful. But let's be realistic. There's absolutely no sign Powell is contemplating a national campaign, which leaves the vice presidency.
But Democrats already have a vice president. A President Dole, however, would be 77 at the end of his first term. While no president should announce that he intends to serve only a single term, there would be logic in supposing that the top of a Dole-Powell team should last but four years.
If Powell has no stomach for launching a national campaign, but wants to be a player, he should say he supports the goals of the Republican Party and is prepared to do what he can to advance them. That would make him the perfect keynoter for the '96 convention and running-mate to whomever. All in all, no bad leap for the son of Jamaican immigrants.
Ray L. Garland is a Roanoke Times columnist.
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