Roanoke Times
                 Copyright (c) 1995, Landmark Communications, Inc.

DATE: SATURDAY, November 18, 1995                   TAG: 9511200090
SECTION: EDITORIAL                    PAGE: A-9   EDITION: METRO 
SOURCE: 
DATELINE:                                 LENGTH: Medium

TAKE ADVANTAGE OF STATE SENATE PARITY

The precise scope of Democratic Lt. Gov. Don Beyer's constitutional authority as the tie-breaking president of the Senate, the bargaining between Senate Democrats and Republicans to reach a power-sharing arrangement, speculation about one or another senator defecting to the opposition - such issues are of consuming interest to the political cognoscente, but they are ephemeral.

Regardless of the outcome of these issues, the current parity offers, if there's leadership to seize it, a chance to make lasting progress. As in:

Depoliticizing judicial appointments.

This is especially apt, because the Virginia Constitution appears to exclude judicial elections from the tie-breaking powers of the lieutenant governor. In a 20-20 Senate, the traditional system - informally selecting judges in the majority-party caucus, then formally electing or re-electing them by party-line votes on the floor of each house - won't work. A good time to revive the idea of merit selection of judges by a nonpartisan commission.

Putting an end to gerrymandered legislative districts.

Now also could be an opportunity to set up a nonpartisan commission to redistrict the legislature after the 2000 census. In the House, current gerrymanders artificially boost Democrats, a reflection of their majority status in the 1991 assembly. In the Senate, gerrymanders artificially boost Republicans, a reflection of GOP Justice Department demands to maximize the number of black-majority districts no matter how bizarre their shape. The goal of nonpartisan redistricting: compact districts reflecting geographic communities.

Toughening campaign-finance rules.

Incumbency and majority-party status no longer guarantee campaign-funding superiority, and funding superiority no longer guarantees election. Out of such practical considerations perhaps broader support can arise for contribution and spending limits to loosen the hold of moneyed interests over state elections.

None of the above are new ideas, but partisan considerations in the past helped suppress them. When Democrats enjoyed overwhelming legislative majorities, they had as little interest in sharing judge-appointing, redistricting or fund-raising powers as they did in giving fair representation to Republicans on key legislative committees. As the GOP's legislative ranks grew, visions of their own future majorities danced in Republican heads, cooling ardor for reform.

For the above reforms to advance, lawmakers of both parties must - is it too much to ask? - actually work together for the commonwealth's benefit. They'll also need to look beyond their own partisan spins on the Nov. 7 elections.

Sure, Democrats held on to legislative power - but the GOP solidified its status as a permanently competitive party with strong potential to gain a majority in one or both houses before the end of the decade. Sure, Republicans attained their General Assembly high-water mark to date - but the Democrats, with fierce resistance, served notice that future GOP majority status won't come automatically.

Like the Senate they elected, Virginians are not at the moment showing a clear preference for either party. To the reform-minded may go that spoil.