ROANOKE TIMES
Copyright (c) 1997, Roanoke Times
DATE: Thursday, February 6, 1997 TAG: 9702060032
SECTION: EDITORIAL PAGE: A-15 EDITION: METRO
COLUMN: RAY L. GARLAND
SOURCE: RAY L. GARLAND
DEMOCRATS at the '97 assembly are busily clearing the deck for the November election of Virginia's three statewide officeholders and all 100 seats in the House of Delegates.
They are nostalgic for the happy days of a compliant governor like Charles Robb, whose attention was fixed on relaxing weekends at Virginia Beach and a career in national politics. They now believe Lt. Gov. Don Beyer will fit that role rather nicely.
Convinced that Gov. George Allen has been outfoxed by their stratagems and put on the defensive in his last year, loud are the chortles in the Democratic caucus. "Being a lame duck this year, his voice is a distant sound," said Del. Tom Jackson, D-Carroll County. He is a member in high standing of House Majority Leader Richard Cranwell's claque of studiously supportive stooges.
The governor knew these people from his days in the House and seemed to grasp he could take them on only in the garb of lion tamer, with a whip in one hand and a pistol in the other. When he swapped the boots for Hush Puppies, they were instantly at his throat.
The Democratic Party is now a political force representing mainly the aspirations of those who work for government or expect to receive more in public benefits than they pay in taxes. The Republican Party, conversely, counts chiefly among its adherents those who suspect they have been chosen as payees. It's an iron rule of politics that a party must look to its base first.
It was news to me that Virginia maintained a State Employee Health Insurance Fund or trust. I had always thought claims were provided for in the budget on a sum-sufficient basis. This obscure nook recently provided political manna for Democrats when an even more obscure civil servant, Anthony Graziano, told legislators the fund was in danger of going bust. This was backed up by independent auditors reporting to the House Appropriations Committee.
While Graziano and the auditors know far more about it than I do, it's hard to get too excited over their concerns. But Democrats knew a hot button when they saw one. It fitted nicely with their strategy to win the affections of 100,000 state workers and their families in the 1997 election.
In a recent letter to legislators, Allen pointed out that the fund had a cash balance of $110 million as of this January. "I would remind you," he said, "that in 1993 the balance dipped to $98 million. I do not recall a single instance where `insufficient balances' led to the impending `crisis' that has been predicted."
Since claims over the past five years averaged not much more than $50 million a year, and retained earnings exceeded that figure, doing nothing would appear to keep the fund solvent for quite a few more years. Whenever real insolvency is threatened, the legislature can always add more money.
"Despite the best advice of the commonwealth's key financial advisers," the governor wrote, "the unfortunate attention on this issue may give state employees the misguided impression that their health insurance is at risk." You bet.
To address these concerns and to cut Democrats off at the pass, Allen told legislators that the most recent estimate of state revenues in the 1996-98 biennium had been increased by another $20 million. This, he said, should be appropriated to the health-insurance fund "to eliminate any potential premium rate increase in 1998, if in fact there is even a need for one."
Going the governor one better, Democrats on the House Appropriations Committee settled on $27 million as the proper amount to put in the fund.
The legislature is set to propose a 3 percent raise for state workers and a 5 percent raise for faculty at state colleges, effective Dec. 1. This would replace raises of 2 percent projected last year. It will also provide the state's share of money needed to give public-school teachers a 4 percent raise next year, instead of 2 percent.
Where Allen proposed only another $116,000 for state colleges in his budget amendments, the assembly money committees want $30 million more - mainly for faculty raises. Social services would get $6 million more than Allen proposed and natural resources (the environment) another $4.5 million. To hire 105 additional state troopers and to help localities match existing federal grants for police, which Beyer has touted, another $12.5 million was found.
Gone was the governor's recommendation that $21 million of the surplus be held in a rainy-day fund. Democrats wanted every penny to make political points now, and Republicans were happy to join them. The notion of any general tax relief lies moldering in its grave.
But Democrats are also robbing Republicans of some of their old, reliable social-issues' ammunition - by passing them! Going through the assembly at long last are bills requiring parents or others to be informed when a minor wants an abortion. Also passing, apparently, are bills to ban partial-birth abortions and to require physicians to get "informed written consent" from those seeking an abortion.
Knowing their vocal pro-choice constituency has no place else to go, Democrats feel safe in yielding a little ground on the fringes of the great abortion debate. They know most voters favor parental notification and are aghast as the partial-birth procedure - if they know what it is. They don't want their candidates beaten over the head on these side issues, any more than Republicans want to stand accused of failing to squeeze out every last dollar for state employees, education, etc.
Ray L. Garland is a Roanoke Times columnist.
LENGTH: Medium: 98 lines KEYWORDS: GENERAL ASSEMBLY 1997by CNB