The Virginian-Pilot
                             THE VIRGINIAN-PILOT 
              Copyright (c) 1995, Landmark Communications, Inc.

DATE: Friday, January 13, 1995               TAG: 9501110117
SECTION: CHESAPEAKE CLIPPER       PAGE: 06   EDITION: FINAL 
TYPE: Guest Column 
SOURCE: BY VINCENT D. CARPENTER 
                                             LENGTH: Long  :  145 lines

`POLITICAL CLOUT' EDITORIAL BRINGS A RESPONSE

An editorial in the Jan. 4 edition of The Virginian-Pilot and The Ledger-Star begs a response. The editorial was an analysis of a story in the Jan. 3 edition citing Mayor William E. Ward's concern over the apparent diminution of African-American ``political clout'' at the hands of the new Republican councilmanic majority. If left unchallenged, it would give an inaccurate and incomplete assessment of the struggle African-Americans in Chesapeake have endured for this so-called ``political clout.''

Your assessment, when read by citizens who are not aware of the city's political history, might be accepted as truth, when, in fact, it disregards the political chain of events that have occurred in the city's 31-year history. We would like to offer the facts you failed to acknowledge:

Your assessment that African-Americans ``. . . hitched their wagon to the Democratic star in disproportionate numbers. . . '' Unlike the political environment of the Commonwealth of Virginia or the nation, Chesapeake has only had one political party, to speak of, for 24 of its 31 years of existence. African-Americans, the minority group in question, who have always comprised at least 28 percent of the city's population, did not have a choice between two competing parties for ``political clout'' but had to struggle to gain access and acceptance in the Democratic Party.

For those who think that Democrats in Chesapeake were always gracious to African-Americans, think again. In this regard, Democrats in Chesapeake were indeed similar to their cousins around Virginia - as obstinate and insensitive to African-Americans on matters of affording civil rights and ``political clout'' as the decades of 1950s and 1960s were in other Southern states. In fact, in 1969, the largest Ku Klux Klan rally on the East Coast convened in the Deep Creek section of the city. In short, the African-Americans had to hitch their wagon to the only star in the sky.

Your diagnosis that African-Americans who felt disenfranchised by the ascent of the Chesapeake GOP could switch their allegiance by joining them ``. diagnosis demonstrates an incomplete assessment of the political winds of the past eight years. It was 1987, when a young attorney by the name of Mark L. Earley upset an entrenched state senator, Bill Parker. The event was historic because it marked the rebirth of the Republican Party in Chesapeake.

Mark Earley received a significant number of votes from African-Americans, including the endorsements from major African-American civic and community groups. Unlike the perception of the GOP on the national level of being insensitive and uninviting to African-Americans and women, Sen. Earley's election was special because African-Americans were comfortable in supporting him based on his proven record as an active member in the Chesapeake branch of the NAACP despite his lack of ``political experience.''

African-Americans did not stop with Sen. Earley, but generated strong numbers for former Mayor David I. Wynne, who despite his personal shortcomings was a genuine friend of African-Americans, as well as all citizens, by his deeds. Republican Councilman W. Joe Newman uttered a regrettably inaccurate quote: ``Black leaders are upset because they have played the political party game on the side of Democrats, and now they are out of the loop . . . '' failed to acknowledge he received the endorsement of major African-American civic groups for his first attempt for a council seat when he unsuccessfully ran as an independent.

Since Mayor Wynne, African-Americans have enjoyed favorable relations and have produced strong numbers for Commonwealth's Attorney David L. Williams, Treasurer Barbara O. Carraway, Del. J. Randy Forbes and others during the tenure of Frank Driscoll and Gene Kirby as Chesapeake GOP party chairs. Only during the last three years have African-Americans had to rethink their view of disdain as emerging Republican council candidates have been less adept in communicating the cordiality that sparked the party's Phoenix-like rebirth in the late 1980s.

Your alternative prescription that African-Americans and other minority groups who choose not to join the ranks of the GOP should then help the Democrats regain a councilmanic majority in hopes of protecting their seats on boards and commissions is fallacious. Such reasoning assumes that in Chesapeake, African-Americans' support for the Democratic Party is automatic, and the Democratic Party's acts of benevolence concerning political appointments is a given. Let there be no doubt, the advances and gains Chesapeake African-Americans made in the 1970s and 1980s was a direct result of the persistent and hard fought battles in an obstinate and insensitive environment in order to gain a basic level of respect as human beings, much less as voting citizens.

Chesapeake Men for Progress, an African-American civic group, was formed in the early 1960s for the specific purpose of helping African-Americans gain access to boards and commissions. The only way to achieve their goal was to be active in the Democratic Party. It took an act of God and a record turnout of African-American voters on an extremely cold and snow-filled day in 1970 to produce Chesapeake's first African-American councilmen, Dr. Hugo Owens and W.P. Clarke. The fact that the process was highly political is understandable, the added difficulty for African-Americans was that the process was also highly insensitive.

To assume that the air of mutual respect and sensitivity afforded to African-Americans and other minorities in Chesapeake, regardless of race or gender, were the rewards of years of loyalty and not the result of hard-fought battles and rigorous negotiations grossly misrepresents the facts. An innocent reader could easily assume that African-Americans are upset with the GOP because Democrats have lost seats and African-Americans are mourning over a loss of power.

When City Council members make selections for boards and commissions, there should always be a natural mentality for creating diversity. In other words, there should exist a natural desire to see that government boards and commissions are reflective of the very citizens they serve. That natural desire for diversity should be based not only on race, but also on gender, age, borough, occupation and other relevant factors that make the appointments seem (yes, seem) less political and more populistic. The language in the Bill of Rights aptly states the premise of equality. When politicians and bureaucrats alike prove incapable of displaying a natural, reflective diversity regarding appointments and services, the dreaded ``quota'' label is used as a shield to defend against anyone who presses the case for diversity.

The final fallacy of your assessment lies in the prescription that African-Americans in Chesapeake must win over the majority of citizens who voted Republican one vote at a time. Ofttimes, when a majority prevails in the selection of candidates or on certain issues, it doesn't necessarily mean that the majority is correct or makes a better argument. It means that they bring more people to the polls. This means outcomes are not necessarily a result of voter persuasion on ideals and principles but actually a cattle roundup of raw numbers.

As previously stated, African-Americans have represented roughly 28 percent of the city's population for the last three decades. Such being the case, is it fair to presume that they will never get an even break because they will never comprise a majority in the city's population and, as a result, will never be able to elect persons of their choice, including a City Council consisting of four or more African-American members, regardless of their political affiliation?

Just as Mayor Ward has provided an excellent level of leadership and a regard for the entirety of Chesapeake's citizenry, there were others in the past and there will be others in the future that capably demonstrate African-Americans' ability to be good leaders as well as good followers. Regardless of which party enjoys a majority, African-Americans have been influential in building both and deserve reciprocity.

African-Americans in the city of Chesapeake and the nation alike have long since realized that, when it comes to political affiliations, ``we have no permanent friends or permanent enemies, just permanent interest.'' We are not wedded to Democrats or Republicans, but we will support those who express a sense of inclusion for Chesapeake's entire population. We support those who express a sense of inclusion for Chesapeake's entire population.

We support the story that appeared in the Jan. 3 edition; however, we strongly disagree with the editorial assessment. MEMO: Mr. Carpenter is on the executive board of the Chesapeake branch of the

NAACP. He is a financial planner, who lives on Harbour North Drive in

Chesapeake. This column was also signed by Bryan L. Collins and William

L. Johnson.

by CNB