THE VIRGINIAN-PILOT
Copyright (c) 1995, Landmark Communications, Inc.
DATE: Sunday, July 30, 1995 TAG: 9507300168
SECTION: FRONT PAGE: A1 EDITION: FINAL
SOURCE: BY ROBERT LITTLE AND DAVID M. POOLE, STAFF WRITERS
DATELINE: CLAYPOOL HILL LENGTH: Long : 206 lines
Two baked beans, three toothpicks and a curdling smear of brown sauce and mayonnaise.
The remains on Richard Settle's plate betrayed his motivation as he rushed, again, toward the buffet.
Reaching for the mini-eggrolls, Settle caught sight of state Sen. William Wampler. He ignored the spread a moment and swung his hand into Wampler's with a slap.
``Well, hey, senator,'' cried Settle.
``Hey, hey!'' Wampler shot back, administering a two-handed greeting. ``Where you going to eat tomorrow night, huh?''
``Don't know,'' Settle answered. ``You got another fund-raiser I can go to?''
Settle, a lobbyist for Bell Atlantic in the mountains of Southwest Virginia, should have no trouble getting his fill of political fund-raisers this summer.
General Assembly candidates are cajoling, scratching and arm-twisting for donations like never before. The campaigns leading to the November elections are expected to be big-dollar extravaganzas that will shred past records.
Senators facing challengers, for example, raised an average of $75,810 by the end of June, nearly three-quarters of what the group spent in 1991.
House of Delegates candidates also are on a record spending pace.
The reason for the fund-raising flurry is obvious: A shift in only three seats in either chamber would end the Democrats' historic control and give Republican Gov. George F. Allen a majority in the legislative branch.
The outcome could change the direction of state government, from what schoolchildren learn about contraception to how aggressively regulators pursue polluters. Most Democrats want to preserve state government's roles in society, while many Republicans support Allen's goal of curtailing government in favor of free enterprise.
The partisan makeup of the General Assembly has yet to register as an important issue with the general public, according to recent conversations The Virginian-Pilot held with small groups of citizens across the state.
In fact, some people resent the fact that the selection of their delegate or state senator, once a purely local matter, will be viewed as a contest that could tilt the statewide partisan scoreboard to one side or the other.
``Party politics is killing us,'' said Marilyn Larsen, the director of a Fairfax County retirement community.
Partisan politics, however, is driving the fund-raising fervor.
Democrats are trying to hang onto their power and perks. Republicans smell victory. Both are scratching for small donations from friends back home and five-figure checks from special interests in Richmond.
Campaign finance reports filed July 15 show that the fierce competition is pulling unprecedented amounts of cash into what would have been a sleepy, off-year election.
Money, of course, is not always a bellwether of political success - the three best-financed House of Delegates candidates in 1991 lost, including Del. Thomas Forehand, D-Chesapeake.
But money certainly helps, considering the high price of television and radio advertising, direct mail, salaries for professional handlers and other accepted costs of a modern campaign.
Senate challengers spent an average of just over $62,000 in 1991. The six who won averaged nearly $119,000.
The cost of winning is almost certain to rise this year, so candidates started early scrounging for every available political buck.
Pick a random day and chances are at least one political fund-raiser is scheduled somewhere in Virginia. Last Monday night, three candidates sponsored events in Richmond alone.
Golf tournaments, fish fries, oyster roasts and chicken pulls. You might find a cocktail party in Richmond for a candidate from Bristol. Or a tea party in Chesapeake for the candidate from down the street.
Variety - and profitability - seem to be the goal.
Allen just finished 2 1/2 weeks touring the state, splitting his time between talking issues with people and playing guest of honor at a string of fund-raisers for GOP candidates.
Bath County Del. Creigh Deeds stocked the family pond on the Cowpasture River, ordered up some barbecued bear meat and venison, and threw himself a rumpus. He called it a fishing tournament, though nobody kept score.
``You throw your line in the water, and if you're lucky, you catch a fish,'' he said. The proceeds: about $12,000.
The Alexandria Republican Committee gathered for dinner at the Belle Haven Country Club, where the hand towels are monogrammed and the valet waits on the curb. Two U.S. senators were the featured guests. The event cleared about $5,000.
``Fifty dollars a head and two U.S. senators,'' said a proud Terry Ross, chairman of the committee. ``I know lobbyists on the Hill who would kill for that kind of access.''
When Del. Ward L. Armstrong threw his annual barbecue bash in Martinsville last week, he tried to make it accessible to Jane and Joe Voter. He asked for contributions, but tickets were just $15. Some 475 supporters crammed the community college campus.
The event - Armstrong's chief money-maker - cleared about $40,000, much of it from donors who just bought tickets or offered less than $100.
``I like it that way. It doesn't leave the appearance of being beholden to anyone,'' Armstrong said.
``But with the high cost of campaigning these days, you just can't raise the kind of money you need with something like individual tickets to a barbecue. You have to get the big checks.''
For the big checks, most candidates rely on corporations and special-interest groups that are interested in access to the legislative process.
Lobbyists say they have been besieged and that candidates are bolder than ever in asking for money. Lawmakers who two years ago were satisfied with $250 from certain PACs are now expecting $500 and more.
``They keep telling me they need more money,'' griped Bill Crump, a longtime lobbyist for Virginia Power Co. ``Everybody thinks that money solves it all.''
``The amount of requests coming forward from all levels is unprecedented: incumbents, challengers - even uncontested candidates,'' said James W. Hazel, who represents several large corporations.
The uncertain outcome of the elections has complicated things for special-interest groups, which traditionally gave most of their money to Democrats who control the committees and hold key leadership positions.
In 1991, Democratic senators facing opponents spent an average of $117,647 - considerably more than Republican senators with opposition.
Two years ago, House Democrats with opposition spent $54,063, compared with $30,401 for Republicans.
The certainty - and the Democrats' fund-raising edge - is gone. Lobbyists don't know if the House Speaker will be Democrat Thomas W. Moss of Norfolk or S. Vance Wilkins Jr. of Amherst.
``You always knew in the back of your mind that Democrats would be running the place,'' said one lobbyist who asked that his name not be used. ``Now you've got Riley Ingram and Kirk Cox (two GOP back-benchers) running around dropping hints they will be committee chairmen. And it ain't bull anymore."
Virginia Republicans have stopped short of outright threats, as U.S. House Speaker Newt Gingrich did last fall when he vowed that PACs that continued to ``prop up'' Democratic incumbents would experience ``the two coldest years in Washington'' if Republicans took control of Congress.
Still, lobbyists - especially those with Democratic ties - said they have gotten the message that they better hedge their bets or get fozen out if Republicans take control of the state Senate or House.
``Frankly, I didn't want to give to the governor's fund, but I didn't feel like I had a choice,'' said another lobbyist who requested anonymity. ``These guys are taking names and numbers. They're going to jump down anyone who complains.''
Democrats, meanwhile, bring their own form of pressure.
Nancy Finch, a Democrat challenging Chesterfield Del. Jack Reid, attracted about 70 people to a $50-a-head breakfast Wednesday morning in Richmond. A Finch victory would be a true Cinderella story of Virginia politics - she's a Democrat running in one of the most solidly Republican districts in the state.
Finch's background in politics helped make her event a success - and it didn't hurt that House Majority Leader C. Richard Cranwell of Roanoke County got top billing, and was to ``introduce'' the rookie candidate.
Said one lobbyist in the crowd: ``You don't normally invest in a long shot, but you don't shrug off Dickie Cranwell either.''
There's no telling how much money will flow into the Assembly races this year. The sky is the limit in Virginia, where there are no limits on campaign contributions.
Last week, two millionaire brothers from Roanoke each bestowed $50,000 upon GOP challengers to Cranwell and Del. C.A. ``Chip'' Woodrum, who earlier this year played leading roles in demolishing Allen's legislative agenda.
Those contributions - colossal for a House race - may yet be eclipsed as several partisan PACs, including one led by Allen, start cutting checks this fall.
Various Republican PACs are expected to funnel more than $1 million to top-flight GOP candidates, and that does not include potential contributions from the Republican National Committee.
Democrats grouse that GOP ``slush funds'' have more than leveled the playing field in Virginia politics.
``The Republicans have the money,'' said Senate Majority Leader Hunter B. Andrews of Hampton, who leads all candidates with $293,824 raised through June 30.
Another source of GOP money is more than $500,000 stockpiled by 10 incumbent Senate Republicans who are unopposed this fall. The jockeying for leadership positions in the event of a GOP takeover already has begun, as some incumbents hope to gain favor with fellow Republicans by spreading around cash to comrades in need.
Sen. Thomas Norment of Williamsburg had $106,307 in the bank as of June 30, while Sen. Kenneth Stolle of Virginia Beach had $85,392.
``I want to make sure two things happen,'' Stolle said. ``I want to make sure that incumbent Republicans return. I want to make sure challengers get a fair shake. I intend to target races with some of that money.
``I feel less and less guilty about raising money the longer I stay in office,'' he added.
``If you don't feel confident enough about yourself to ask people for money, maybe you ought not be a candidate in the first place. It's not the greatest part of the job, but it's part of the job. An important part.'' ILLUSTRATION: Graphics
REPUBLICAN CHALLENGERS COME ON STRONG
Average contributions to challengers in state Senate and House
races
SOURCE: Campaign Finance reports
STAFF
TOP FUND-RAISERS
Source: Campaign finance reports filed with state Board of
Elections
[For complete graphics, please see microfilm]
KEYWORDS: CAMPAIGN FINANCING STATISTICS GENERAL ASSEMBLY
RACES CANDIDATES VIRGINIA by CNB