JVER v25n1 - Editor's Notes
From Vocational Education and Training to Work: Representations from Two Occupational Areas 1
Marcelle Hardy
Université du Québec à Montréal
AbstractIn this longitudinal and qualitative analysis, the experiences of vocational education and training students were examined as they transitioned from secondary school to work. The study was based on 107 interviews with 28 women in Secretarial Studies and 111 interviews with 29 men in Machining Technics. Following a discussion of the family and peer influences on students' professional orientation, the evolution of subjects' representations of their occupation and the workplace was examined, from the beginning of their studies, through the mid-point, to the time of completion. Their professional situation one year after graduation was then probed. Through testimonials, the students' experiences were interpreted with respect to workplace relations, working conditions, learnings achieved, and professional aspirations. Differences and similarities between the subjects' perceptions and realities experienced during and one year out of school are described.
Theoretical FrameworkThe study of school-to-work transitioning by vocational high school students is contextualized by the evolution of the labor market and accompanying transformations in vocational education and training. An overview of the evolutionary characteristics of vocational education and training in Quebec and the main theoretical elements of the research served to situate my analysis of the participants' work experience; methodological details offer insight into the nature of the research itself. Once I have outlined the students' socio-professional characteristics and presented a description of the family and peer influences that may have affected their professional direction, the evolution of their representations over the course of their studies is examined. I then turn to their professional situation one year after leaving school and describe their appreciation of their work with respect to professional relations, working conditions, interest in the job, learnings achieved and career. Next, I compare the students' representations during their studies with their perceptions and experiences one year after leaving school, teasing out the similarities and differences between the two periods. Finally, the limits of this study, as well as potential implications for orienting students and preparing them for the labor market, are detailed.
MethodologyThe past decades have been marked by a growing concern over the quality of workforce training with respect to labor market demands ( Appelbaum & Batt, 1994 ; Carnevale, 1991 ; Conseil économique du Canada, 1992 ; Ministère de l'Education, 1993 ). This preoccupation has led to educational reforms designed to promote a sharing of agendas by industry and education, and to facilitate the transition from school to work. In Quebec 2 , growing pressure from industry prompted the Minister of Education to implement vocational education and training reforms ( Ministère de l'Education, 1987 ), whereby industry and education representatives worked in tandem to revise the content of vocational curricula and methods of evaluating learning. These reforms were accompanied by an increased requirement of one to two years of high school education prior to vocational education and training 3 . Introducing theoretical elements into vocational curricula was intended to promote the development of such skills as problem solving, as well as the integration of youths and adults in the same classes. Ten years later, a new Action Plan ( Ministère de l'Education, 1997 ) has furthered the previous reforms by contributing to increased collaboration among education and industry partners, and by diversifying vocational education and training models. These reforms have been characterized mainly by curriculum changes intended to respond to employers' requirements for higher-quality labor. Furthermore, recent interviews with employer representatives demonstrate their satisfaction with respect to vocational education and training graduates ( Hardy & Parent, 1999a ; 1999b ). The reforms also aimed to better inform students as to the nature of the workplace through the integration of a company-based internship in all vocational education and training programs, and to facilitate the school-to-work transition. However, while this latter aspect prioritized employers' needs, it largely failed to take into consideration students' experiences in transitioning to work.
The transition from school to work is another focus of studies reflecting this growing social concern, as seen in works by Canadian ( Anisef & Axelrod, 1993 ; Crysdale & Harry, 1994 ; Hardy, Trottier, Carrier & Bouchard, 1989 ), American, ( Klerman & Karoly, 1995 ; Lakes & Borman,1994 ) and European authors respectively, ( Adamski & Grootings, 1989 ; Banks et al., 1992 ; Bates & Riseborough, 1993 ; Tanguy, 1986 ). The work of Adamski & Grootings(1989) and that of Tanguy (1986) attempt a theoretical reflection on the school's role in preparing youth for work. These authors have assembled around them a group of sociologists, psychologists and economists who wish to contribute to the development of closer ties between education and the workplace. Elsewhere, Anisef & Axelrod (1993) , Banks et al. (1992) , Bates & Riseborough (1993) , Crysdale & Harry (1994) and Hardy et al. (1989) , as well as Lakes & Borman (1994) , emphasize the challenges and obstacles to youths' entry to the labor market. Their analyses cast light on inequalities among youth, chiefly attributable to social class, gender and ethnicity. Their studies have largely concentrated on high school graduates. The conclusions of Anisef & Axelrod (1993) , Klerman & Koraly (1995) and Hardy et al. (1989) are based on quantitative and longitudinal data reconstructing the process of integration into the labor market during the first years after leaving school, whereas the studies by Banks et al.(1992) , Bates & Riseborough (1993) , Crysdale & Harry (1994) and Lakes & Borman (1994) adopted an ethnographic approach and conducted qualitative analyses of interviews with students. These latter analyses have guided our own research efforts, especially so in the case of Banks et al.(1992) , who studied 16-19-year-old students in England.
In this study, priority was given to the experiences of students' transitioning from school to work. This transition can be affected by the instability of employment, as well as by the chronic under-employment which primarily affects younger and less qualified individuals, as highlighted by Gauthier (1994) in Quebec and by Klerman and Karoly (1995) in the United States. I began by examining students' representations of the vocation they were preparing to perform, as well as their perceptions, during their studies, of the labor market that awaited them. I then turned to the conditions under which these students entered the workforce. What gaps, if any, existed between their perceptions of the occupation they were studying and their subsequent professional experience? Were they working in their field of specialty? Did the professional integration they experienced meet their expectations? In the spirit of the aforementioned studies, these questions are aimed towards comprehending the school-to-work transition of vocational education and training students. They fall within the framework of the following question: How do vocational high school students experience vocational education and training and the transition from school to work?
To answer these questions, I opted for a longitudinal study that would follow the students from the beginning of their studies until the end of their first year following graduation. Unlike the aforementioned longitudinal studies which adopted a quantitative methodology, I favored a qualitative methodology, in order to identify the difficulties encountered by students during their vocational studies and the first years after leaving school. This qualitative approach considered the students' representations during their studies as to the anticipated characteristics of their future workplace and, subsequently, their appreciation of their situation one year after obtaining their diploma. I drew on the work of Moscovici (1993) - wherein the system of notions and images is associated within a greater or lesser, yet coherent network and is constructed through a process of social interactions - to analyze the representations of students who had already been studied in a school environment ( Hardy, Grossmann, & Mingant, 1997 ).
This study of students' representations is also indebted to the work of Gilly (1993) , who developed an analysis of social representations in the educational field, focusing on the meaning that students attach to educational situations and school activities. Gilly emphasized "that students do not approach learning material with an empty spirit, devoid of content, but rather with a full collection of prior or naïve representations, themselves rooted in the beliefs, customs and practices of their living environment "p. 381. Students thus interpret the various levels of meaning (short, medium- and long-term) of proposed teachings, by drawing on the more general representational systems of schooling and educational purpose that characterize diverse social and family environments. Since I focused on transition from school to work, I factored in the representational systems of the vocation and the workplace. Such an interpretation of students' representations facilitates our understanding of what occurs during the course of studies from the point of view of the learnings imparted and the psychosocial mechanisms employed in their transfer. It also helps us delved into the experience of students' first year in the workforce.
Participants
Data CollectionFollowing the example of the ethnographic-type studies of Banks et al. (1992) and other authors mentioned above, I opted for a qualitative approach based on interviews with students. In the vein of Glaser and Strauss (1967) , theoretical criteria were used to select the groups for study. The choice of student groups was based on four theoretical criteria applied to vocational curricula: (a) preparing for occupations subject to technological change; (b) significant proportion of theoretical teaching content 4 ; (c) potential for graduates to find work in their chosen specialty; and (d) attracting both a male and female clientele. To satisfy this final criterion while responding to the first two, I had to choose different profiles for the men and women. Programs that attract a mixed student body, such as Sales and Catering, were not taken into consideration because of the lesser proportion of theoretical knowledge in their curricula. The Secretarial and Machining Technics programs were selected accordingly 5 . The choice of these two occupational areas facilitated a study of sectors exposed to technological change in two very different spheres of the labor market. The secretarial field primarily attracts women and allows for an examination of business occupations. Conversely, machining technics is employed in traditionally male occupations where industrial working conditions may be observed. At the beginning of the research, I retained all the Secretarial and Machining Technics students enrolled in the Laval School Board's Vocational Education and Training Center, as well as all the Machining Technics students enrolled in the Repentigny School Board's Vocational Education and Training Center 7 . These two centers are public schools serving a working- and middle-class population, situated in a suburb north of Montreal. At the outset of our research, our sample corresponded to the whole student population, which is to say 60 Secretarial students and 38 Machining Technics students. We selected a greater number of Secretarial students, as the number of failures and dropouts were much higher in Secretarial than in Machining Technics. Our sample was thus progressively reduced from 60 to 28 Secretarial students and from 38 to 29 Machining Technics. The students were questioned at school from September 1990 to May 1993, and were contacted after their studies in 1993 and 1994.
AnalysisThis longitudinal study covered the full duration of vocational studies and the subsequent year using four measuring points: the initial session, half way through the program, completion of studies, and one year after leaving school. Analysis corresponded to these four measures and included the 28 women and 29 men who participated in all the interviews during their vocational education and training. This number was subsequently reduced to 23 women and 24 men during the final collection period, owing to difficulties in reaching students after they had left school. The analysis was based on a total of 107 interviews with women taking secretarial studies and 111 interviews with men studying machining 7 . All the interviews were semi-directed. Initial interviews probed social and family characteristics, academic and professional experiences, and family and peer influences on career direction. Interviews during all four collection periods also focused on students' social representations of the chosen occupation, according to its anticipated or experienced workplace characteristics, social valorization and associated socioeconomic status and social mobility. Final interviews provided additional information on job seeking, experiences with employment and unemployment, and professional aspirations. Interviews that occurred during the first three phases were held at school, during class hours, by agreement with instructors. The majority of final phase interviews were conducted at the new employee's workplace, with the consent of the employer or foreman. A few interviews were also carried out at the student's residence or in a research facility at the university. All the interviews were recorded and their duration ranged from 45 to 90 minutes.
FindingsAll audio taped interviews were transcribed to computer media and subjected to a qualitative analysis. After developing and validating a codification grid for each series of interview, the text of each interview was double-coded under supervision. The coded interviews were processed using an Oracle application 8 . The qualitative content analysis was thus able to highlight themes in examining the substance of students' representations and experiences 9 . I was careful to follow each student's development by comparing viewpoints revealed successively during the four interviews. This longitudinal analysis allowed me to recognize similarities and differences between prevailing representations or experiences during the course of studies and those expressed a year after completing the vocational curriculum.
Socio-Professional Characteristics of Students
Family and Peer Influences and Professional OrientationFathers of both women and men (n=57) shared very similar occupational and educational levels. A majority of fathers (n=40) were blue-collar or white-collar workers and had not acquired a post secondary education (n=44). Fathers of the women were somewhat more likely to have earned a high-school diploma (n=11), whereas fathers of the men (n=12) were more likely to have pursued vocational education. Mothers either had educational levels or held occupations similar to those of the fathers, or were housewives. The concentration of women in secretarial studies and of men in Machining Technics was the result of a gender-based polarization of career choice that affects working-class students in particular. This supports the conclusions of Valli (1986) about the importance of gender identification in student counseling.
The average age of the secretarial students was 27.7 years, and ranged from 17 to 49 years. They could be divided into two almost equal age groups: 17 to 22 years (n=13), and 22 to 49 years (n=15). The Machining Technics students ranged from 16 to 21 years, and averaged 18.2 years of age. Four-fifths of the women were aged 22 years or less (n=11) and all of the men had no children and tended to live with their parents (n=26). Almost half of the women (n=13) had one or more children. A great majority of these mothers (n=11) were over 22 years and many (n=7) were single parents. The educational profile of secretarial students was similar, regardless of age. The majority of secretarial students (n=16) held a high school diploma and half of them (n=12) chose secretarial studies after interrupting their collegiate studies. By contrast, the vast majority of men (n=23) in Machining Technics identified a career in Machining Technics as their first choice and actually began their studies without having completed all the requirements for a high-school diploma (n=21).
Studying the students' occupational paths revealed three routes. The first applied to ten secretarial students aged 22 years or under, and all of the students in Machining Technics (n=29). This group worked part-time while in school, or full-time during the summer months. The second avenue was shared by 5 women in secretarial studies who had had some experience in the labor market outside of their vocational curriculum, during which time they received unemployment or social welfare benefits for less than a year. A third path characterized older women (n=12) with a varied occupational history. They had lived on social assistance for over two and a half years. All of the students' employment was unstable and demanded few qualifications; seven secretarial students were employed in occupations related to their chosen field. Most of the students in secretarial studies had followed a complicated academic and occupational path, first attending college, only to return to high school (n=12) or turning to unstable employment and social assistance (n=12). The other secretarial students and those in Machining Technics had experienced a smoother route from academic to vocational education. Despite these differences, all students hoped to improve their chances of integrating into the workforce and enhance their socio-professional status by pursuing or returning to occupational studies.
Students' Representations of their Chosen OccupationThe presence of professional role models in family and peer groups, as well as the reactions of family members to students' choices, may have influenced students' professional direction. The machinists and younger secretaries benefited from the presence of professional role models. Nearly all the younger secretaries (n=12) reported having at least one family member or friend either employed as a secretary or possessing a diploma in secretarial studies. Similarly, a majority of machinists (n=18) had a father or another family member working as a machinist, a mechanic, or a welder.
Comments attributed to family or peers revolved around going back to school, one's choice of occupation, and level of professional accreditation. Students received generally positive comments about returning to school. For the younger secretaries and machinists, the emphasis was on the importance of pursuing one's education. "As long as his daughter's in school, he's happy. The important thing for him is that I continue my education. He doesn't want me to stop." For older secretaries, returning to school represented a means of reintegrating into the workforce after a prolonged absence, or of ensuring a better professional future. "When I told her I was going to school, she (my mother) said, 'Oh, I'm happy, you'll have a good job.' Because she didn't like me being at home." However, some of the older secretaries received comments characterizing their return to school as a waste of time, such as "You must have a lot of time on your hands, going back to school at 40."
As for the choice of occupation, opinions expressed to the secretaries were universally negative. Their occupation was perceived as degrading and non-professional, or as offering inadequate pay and working conditions. "My sister thinks it's a lowly job." "Lots of people see secretarial work as a boring job. I don't know, it's weird, as though you were serving people all day, doing dull work, typing and taking orders." Conversely, the machinists' families and peers believed their occupation offered solid job prospects, a good salary and favorable working conditions. "Lots of people - friends and close relatives - told me I'd never be without work." "Some of my friends say it's a job that opens doors. It pays well." Some of the machinists also received negative comments related to job openings, the physical environment, and salaries. Some machinists "complain all the time because the shop is too hot in the summer and too cold in the winter. Sometimes, the unions don't treat you right and neither do the bosses. It doesn't seem too well organized." Several machinists felt that their occupation was misunderstood and that they constantly had to educate their family or friends about the nature of a machinist's work.
Opinions about the level of accreditation were mixed. It was mainly the younger secretaries who received negative commentary. Their families and peer groups tended to perceive their diplomas as inadequate. "At the beginning, my family was always asking me why I didn't go to college." "There wasn't a lot of enthusiasm� If you say you're going to university and you're going into this field or that field, that's fine�" (It should be noted that twelve of these students had already begun college programs before turning to a vocational curriculum.) By contrast, few (n=3) of the machinists received disparaging comments about the value of their diplomas.
Professional Situation One Year after Completing StudiesSecretarial and Machining Technics students' representations of their chosen occupations arose out of their own responses to questions of opinion, as well as their friends' and relatives' opinions regarding the students' chosen occupations. Analysis of the discussions was intended to bring out those aspects judged to be positive or negative in both occupations. The students described their representations of the work environment and social perceptions of their occupations.
Representations of the Work Environment
Secretarial and Machining Technics students expressed their perceptions of the work environment through reference to (a) characteristics of the workplace, (b) working conditions, and (c) labor relations with employers and the public or co-workers. At the beginning of their studies, secretarial students had a positive perception of the working conditions and human relationships likely to prevail in their future workplace, whereas from the mid-point until the end of their studies they became pessimistic. By contrast, Machining Technics students reacted as did Secretarial students with respect to their working conditions, but human relationships were of lesser concern.
Characteristics of the workplace
Students of both vocational profiles were interested in the geographic location of companies, and hoped to work in the Montreal area. Secretarial students were more restrictive in their interests and wanted jobs in the immediate area where they lived, close to their parents and friends. "Obviously, I live in Laval [close to Montreal], my family lives in Laval. I would like to work in Laval or Montreal. I don't want to move." At the mid-point and end of their studies, two out of three secretarial students hoped to work for a large communications company or a government agency because of the social benefits and possibilities for promotion. "There's always the possibility of being promoted in a big company. Everybody knows you can get promoted more easily." Other secretaries preferred a small or medium-sized company where they could grow and enjoy friendly relationships with their colleagues. They therefore preferred to work in a law office or medical clinic. Conversely, the machinists preferred to work in a small or medium-sized company where the work was varied. "I want to work for a small machine shop [...] it's more diversified and you learn a lot." A third of the machinists wanted to work in the aerospace industry, which is highly developed in the Montreal area. Machining technics students' negative perceptions of big companies stems from a fear of being confined to mass production, which implies boredom and routine. "What would please me least is being on a production line[...]. They always make the same part, five days a week."
Working conditions
At the beginning of their studies, Secretarial and Machining Technics students maintained very positive representations of their expected working conditions. Approximately half of the secretaries and 10 machinists were attracted by work environment, salary, and work schedule. According to Secretarial students, "It's a matter of being able to work at set hours and without too much pressure." "But at least I'll earn a better living. And besides, there are advantages as far as the hours." A machinist offered the following, "You don't work outside during the winter. Also, your salary tends to be higher when the economy is growing rapidly." "We can't complain about the work areas. They're supposed to be well ventilated and well lit." By mid-program, more and more of the students could identify the negative aspects of working conditions, especially as regarded salary. Secretaries asserted, "This work is generally underpaid." A typical machinist admitted, "I'm a bit skeptical - where salaries are concerned, people think too high, they haven't been well informed." The machinists also cited environmental noise and dirtiness. "When you work with cast iron, there's always dust [...] so for sure your lungs pick it all up. You're constantly working with oil, you're all dirty [...] you breathe oil." Both groups of students deplored the stress and pressure, combined with the amount of work that could be assigned, and its scheduling. The secretaries declared, "It's too stressful. Too much work for the salary. Employers are strict with their secretaries. You have to do everything all at once, without making mistakes." The machinists echoed, "The disadvantage is that you always have to aim for perfection. It's difficult because of the stress. The boss is behind you and you can't botch the part, not even by a tiny bit." The contrast between students' comments at the beginning of their studies and after the mid-point was remarkable; it reflected a more realistic assessment as compared with initial expectations.
Human interaction
Only the Secretarial students were concerned with working relationships. At the beginning of their studies, they appreciated contact with the public. "Working with people, communicating - I like to have contact with people." "Receiving clients; I like working with the customers." During their studies, these students' interest in developing relationships with the public was accompanied by an increasing interest in enjoying a positive relationship with the employer. They stressed the importance of an egalitarian relationship, based on respect for their competence and their willingness to assume responsibility. "Secretaries have more to do than in the past. They have more responsibilities. You're your boss' right hand." At the same time, they were skeptical of the reality. "The worst part is the boss - it's true that they're sometimes very demanding." "I wouldn't want to work for an employer who always asks you to perform the same tasks without giving you any opportunity to take initiative." These fears provided a counterpoint for the students' positive expectations. The wistful perceptions they held at the beginning of their studies were later tinged with doubts concerning their relationship with a potential employer.
Social Perception of their Occupation
Students' social perception of their occupation was defined, on one hand, by its general social quality - the personal development possibilities and societal prestige of secretarial or machining positions. On the other hand, their perception was defined by the socioeconomic status and mobility which they might expect from opportunities and promotions available in the labor market.
Social quality
Both Secretarial and Machining Technics students demonstrated increasing interest in the social quality of their occupation. By the end of their studies, this interest united the two groups. The secretarial students were focused on acquiring core competencies - they were seeking sound education and training in preparation for secretarial positions. "The occupation requires a higher knowledge level. Secretarial jobs are more advanced now." The Machining Technics students, for their part, emphasized the essential contribution of machinists to society. "If there were no machinists, we'd be unable to enjoy a lot of things - cars, for example - anything that has been manufactured has been machined [...] the telephone was made from a mold, and that mold was created by a machinist [...] What about doctors? How is their equipment manufactured? The scalpel was created by a machinist." On the other hand, when the secretarial students noted the disadvantages of their occupation, they bemoaned the persistence of negative opinions and stereotypes. "It's not recognized because people have no idea about secretarial work, about what goes on in an office. Secretarial school is always the last option. The occupation is too closely identified with women." Similarly, many Machining Technics students considered that the occupation of machinist was often poorly understood. "They don't exactly know what your work means - you have to explain it: that once the blueprint's done, someone has to produce the part accordingly, and that you operate the machine that produces the part. Sometimes they get lost and don't understand, even after you've explained it." The Machining Technics students noted, however, that after repeated explanations, social (mis)representations could change. "Most people now have a good idea of the machinist's job. Some say it requires thinking all the time while you work." Even if the Secretarial students felt valorized in their chosen occupational field, they were nonetheless all aware of the various deprecatory perceptions held by society. In the end, the Machining Technics students attested to a better understanding on the part of their friends and relatives.
Socioeconomic situation and social mobility
Students in both occupational groups referred only to the positive aspects of their socioeconomic situation and social mobility, ignoring any discourse about recessions or lack of employment. They considered their occupation valuable by virtue of the numerous and varied employment opportunities available. As one secretary opined, "there are a lot of opportunities in the secretarial field, so your chances of finding a job fast are good." In the words of a machinist, "It's a good trade and there are lots of job openings - because it's an occupation that has a future that'll last forever." The majority of both groups believed that, given a chance, they would be able to develop their skills and climb the company ladder through their own effort and through complementary training. One secretary stated, "There's a lot of opportunity for promotion [...] my wish isn't to be just a secretary. I'd like to take a stenography course, so I could work for the court, as a more professional secretary." A machinist offered, "what I find interesting is the possibility for advancement, the opportunities to learn and keep yourself in shape mentally." The older secretarial students, however, emphasized stability. "I often say I'm afraid because nowadays jobs are so hard to find. But when it comes right down to it, they can't do away with secretaries." As for those who attended college, they considered secretarial work as a springboard to a different career. "I don't want to be a secretary all my life, I want to charge in and go further in life." The machinists believed that continuous professional development would eventually allow them to become self-employed workers and start their own businesses.
Appreciation of the Work SituationI first present the professional situation of all the graduates we interviewed, then we describe in greater detail the role and initiation process of those who are working in their own field.
Graduates' Professional Situation
One year after completing their studies, 23 Secretarial and 24 Machining Technics graduates were contacted. Fifteen former Secretarial students were employed, six were unemployed and two were pursuing their studies - one in college and the other at university. As for the Machining Technics graduates, 15 were working, two were unemployed, and the other seven had returned to school. A majority of them (n=5) had specialized in tooling or numerical control machining, or had decided to extend their vocational education by studying industrial mechanical maintenance; two had returned to college. Two-thirds of the secretaries (n=10) were still working in their first job, whereas another third (n=5) were working in a second job, after having left a temporary job unrelated to secretarial studies. Since completing their studies, three of the unemployed secretaries had not worked at all, and the other three had held one or two jobs lasting 5 months or less. About half of the machinists had held one job (n=8); the others, two or more (n=7). Since they left school, all the unemployed machinists had worked to some extent. Instability of employment was more in evidence among the machinists, but more secretaries were out of the workforce. A majority of secretaries (n=10) and machinists (n=14) found their first job during the first month after completing their studies. Five secretaries and one machinist required two months or more to secure their first job. All the secretaries (n=15) held a job related to their studies, whereas only nine machinists worked in the occupation they had studied for. Six of their colleagues worked in handling, shipping, printing or maintenance where no special training was required.
Working in Chosen Occupation and Initiation to Work
Working secretaries were employed by private lawyers, opticians or dentists (n=5), in the fields of business or real estate (N=6), or by telecommunication companies or health and social services agencies (n=4). Working on computers, using software, preparing documents, welcoming customers, administering the mail and answering telephone calls were the most common duties. Some also performed accounting functions. As for the machinists, nine worked for small companies or machine shops. Their main duties involved turning, countersinking or precision grinding, using conventional machines or numerical control machines. Some manufactured parts in limited quantity, while others mass-produced. The initiation process for both secretaries and machinists was gradual and informal. After the nature of the work had been explained, the initiation was conducted under the supervision of experienced employees, who provided explanations as requested, while the new employees went about their duties. A majority of the secretaries (n=11) and all machinists (n=9) benefited from supervised training lasting from a few days to three weeks. Moreover, some machinists had the opportunity to work with a mentor, to whom they became an apprentice; this type of training was longer in duration. In the main, the secretaries and machinists were satisfied with their initiation, they appreciated the approach taken by their supervisors, and they emphasized the importance of taking initiative for one's training, and being resourceful. Only two secretaries complained about pressure and intolerance from their supervisors.
ConclusionI examined the assessments made by the secretaries and machinists of their jobs, with respect to working conditions and relationships, as well as their own interest in and appreciation for their work, in comparison with prior representations. I then considered the learning they had achieved and their professional aspirations.
Work Relationships
The secretaries and machinists appreciated their relationships with their supervisors, citing good communication, respect, honesty, adaptability, a sense of humor and patience. Secretaries stated, "It's easy to communicate with him." "She's very accommodating - if you need something, she's always there to help and doesn't stress you out." One machinist offered, "Whenever I make a mistake I'm always afraid to be told 'we no longer need you' - instead, he says: 'how did this mistake happen, do you know why? If you don't know why, I think I do and I'll tell you,' and then we talk." The graduates appreciated hearing their supervisor's opinion as to how they could improve their skills and better fulfill their job requirements. They emphasized the importance of their supervisor's teaching abilities. Some complained about his or her character or poor communication skills. Most judged their relationships with their colleagues to be very positive. Teamwork and cooperation amongst co-workers were very important aspects for both the secretaries and the machinists. Their definition of a pleasant working atmosphere was: communication, humor, reduced competition, and minimal stress. One secretary specified, "What I find most stimulating is the fact that we're a team and that we complement each other. We all lend each other a hand. A machinist admitted, "They're very nice to me - seriously, you can ask them any question about work and they'll answer you [...] they'll do anything to help you, they're really wonderful." Both the secretaries and the machinists also appreciated the family atmosphere of their respective companies. They regretted occasional instances of hypocrisy, indiscretion, or lack of cooperation on the part of certain colleagues.
Working Conditions
Both secretaries and machinists complained about low salaries. By way of explanation, they cited the economic situation and their own lack of experience. One machinist explained, "Sure, the salaries are low, but it's the same everywhere." A secretary asserted, "I'm waiting [...] I'm staying here to gain experience. Once I have some, I'll go elsewhere." The machinists worked from 40 to 50 hours per week, which they disparaged. "Well, the hours worked, together with the traveling, they make for long days [...] but you expect that, when you first start out - once you've been working a while, you have more spare time." The secretaries particularly appreciated the flexibility of their work schedule, the advantage of living close to their work, their varied duties, and the lack of pressure. "Here, I come in and finish at the time I want [...] I'm responsible for everything, there's nobody to tell me: 'do this' or 'don't do that'." "I'm satisfied because it's close to home." They negatively cited overwork resulting from bad planning or personnel shortages. "The boss dreams up a lot of projects without planning in advance - every day, practically, so at some point you end up having to work late or on weekends." "I have a lot of work [...] since I'm really working for two." The machinists especially noted certain unpleasant aspects of their work, as regarded their physical environment and the physical effort required of them. "Always working in the dust [...] the heat [...] creates a lot of discomfort - you're not always working with the proper material." "It's dirty work."
Interest in the Work
In general, secretaries and machinists were interested in their respective work functions. While a minority of the secretaries (n=2) disliked working with the English versions of certain software programs, or had difficulty with spelling, and one machinist disliked working on machines with which they were not familiar and which they had to learn quickly, they were nonetheless aware that these difficulties were due to an insufficient mastery of required skills. The secretaries were proud of the quality of the work they had achieved, and appreciated having responsibilities. "The best thing is creating files daily. You start from scratch, all by yourself, and when it's finished, it's amazing. The company's pleased [...] with the work you've done." Machinists emphasized the pride associated with turning raw material into a part that adheres to very precise and strict standards. "It's great, you pick something raw and turn it into something truly impressive." "When the part comes along, I produce it - I produce it successfully and then I'm proud of myself. I say to myself, 'why were you afraid?' 'It's passed inspection and now it's gone.'" Both groups enjoyed diversified work. One secretary noted, "It's not routine work - we never know what will happen from one day to the next." A machinist added, "Well, it's a small shop, you have to wear a lot of hats. You never see the same parts twice - that's what's so interesting."
Representation of the Work
The majority of the secretaries (n=11) and machinists (n=5) noted that their work experience had done little to alter their prior perceptions of the occupation. Some had already had exposure to the occupation through family members, while others had developed their perceptions while studying. Those who admitted having modified their representation of the work emphasized the transition from theory to practice, real-life requirements, and the stress associated with the job. Some secretaries observed, " Working in an office is something else [...] You have to perform." "You can't make mistakes because of the serious consequences." A machinist admitted, "Well, in school, there's no stress, but here it's not the same. I guess I had an idea [...] but I never thought it would be this stressful." With only a few exceptions, secretaries and machinists reaffirmed their choice of occupation and expressed continued interest in the work.
Learning at Work
The secretaries and machinists were satisfied and even enthusiastic as to the degree of learning they had accomplished during the first year of work. They felt it was essential to have a job in which they could acquire work experience and improve their chances of employment. The secretaries related their satisfaction to their feeling of work being well performed. "I'm fast enough not to fall behind, and the quality of my work is good." They were conscious of the effect their learning had on their work, as well as of their adaptability to their workplace. "What I've learned has helped me to perform better in my workplace." "I'm doing a good job, and that gets noticed, so that's fine." Moreover, the secretaries had developed skills to fulfill a full range of occupational tasks; they felt at ease in their role. The machinists related their satisfaction mainly to improved knowledge and expertise. "Yes, because there, the parts are produced on time, with adequate precision. I'm aware that I make mistakes but, most of the time, I get the job done on time." They were proud of the efficiency and precision they had developed, and of the experience they had acquired in the machinist's occupation. "Every day, I acquire more experience. If I left my job tomorrow to go and work somewhere else, it wouldn't be the same as when I started here; I didn't know anything and I had trouble. Now, I have a good base. Every day, I learn something new." Thus, they felt the learning they acquired would eventually allow them to search for another job and overcome the lack of experience with which they were so often forced to contend.
Professional Aspirations
When it comes to the desired focus of their work, secretaries cited computer-related work, while machinists felt they would like to advance in numerical control or a closely related field such as tooling and mechanics. The secretaries hoped to "do a little bit of everything, work with different kinds of software." "I'd like a job with [...] more computer work." Similarly, the machinists reflected "I always wanted to be in numerical control [...] the machine is closed off [...] there's no dust. You just do your work." "I'd like to be a toolmaker in a good company or, maybe later, self-employed." The secretaries and machinists hoped to advance professionally, acquire more responsibilities and secure an increased salary. The secretaries looked ahead "To get another job [...] become a #6 clerk - right now I'm a #5 clerk." "I'm giving myself 3 months and then I'll get promoted. It's because I get involved and my bosses are happy with my work." The machinists added "Well, maybe not right now because I just had an increase, but possibly next year, my wage will go up another dollar or two." "I'm going to ask for a raise - this is no good." As for future training, secretaries emphasized the importance of acquiring better English language and computer skills, in order to become more flexible. "I plan to take English classes [...] to improve myself [...] You have to develop at the same speed as the software." The same was also true for machinists, who were considering taking additional specialization classes. "In September, I'll register in an evening class in numerical control - computer design and numerical control seems like a good combination." "I'd like to purchase the company - I'm interested in taking courses on business management, accounting, stuff like that. It could help me." Nearly half of the younger secretaries intended to pursue studies at college or university. "Take an accounting class to qualify for something better at university or college." "Not do the same thing all my life." "I could increase my knowledge in something else [...] I'd like to become a businesswoman." The secretaries noted that their vocational studies provided them with an opportunity to begin earning a living quickly, thereby freeing them up to pursue further studies or prepare for another career. The machinists were equally aware of the need to constantly increase their knowledge.
Differences Between the Two PeriodsThis study was unique for its focus on the perceptions of students enrolled in vocational high school curricula, as well as for its longitudinal approach, which allowed comparisons of the development of students throughout their studies and their first year in the workforce. I now focus, through comparison, on what meaning the experience of entering the job market held for these students. I highlight the differences and similarities between their representation of the chosen occupation during their studies and their professional situation one year after leaving school. I thereby put the emphasis on the transition from school to work. Finally, I identify some of the limitations of this study, as well as its potential impact.
Throughout their studies, students expressed their various positive and negative perceptions of their prospective occupation. One year after finishing school, they described their professional situation and formulated new representations based on the main aspects of their occupation experience. I compared the perceptions and realities experienced by Secretarial and Machining Technics graduates, noting the differences and similarities observed during those two periods.
Similarities Between the Two PeriodsThe differences observed related mostly to workplace characteristics. During their studies, students emphasized the opportunities in their occupational field, and overlooked the lack of employment. One year after completing their studies, two-thirds of the secretaries and machinists were gainfully employed. As for the other third, most machinists had returned to school, whereas a majority of the secretaries were unemployed. However, while all of the employed secretaries were working in their field, only 60% of the working Machining Technics graduates had a job related to their studies. Moreover, even if a majority (n=24) found work within a month of completing their studies, many machinists would be searching for another job within the first year. The comfortable optimism fueled by an apparent abundance of opportunities in their occupational field gave way, after a year in the workforce, to the experience of precarious employment for many of the machinists, and outright unemployment for one in four of the secretaries. The participants' testimonials reveal a desire to gain professional experience of value in applying for another job offering better working conditions. This demonstrates, on the one hand, that vocational education and training did not automatically lead to occupational success for individuals in transition from school to work, as has been stated by Lakes et Borman (1994) . On the other hand, these difficulties in transitioning highlight the instability and precariousness of employment which accompany initial work experiences, as observed by Gauthier (1994) and Klerman & Karoly (1994) .
If considering only those working in their chosen field, the secretaries were likely to revise their position concerning the size of company they would like to work for. During their studies, two out of three students wished to work for a large company, whereas one third would prefer a smaller one. One year after completing their studies, the opposite was the case. Similarly, the Machining Technics students, who had little to say about work relationships during their studies, became much more vocal after acquiring some work experience. As in the case of secretaries, they appreciated a relationship with their supervisor that was based on communication, patience, and respect. They pointed to the advantages of collaboration and teamwork. These observed changes confirm the importance of social relations in new employees' adaptation to the workplace, as noted by Lakes & Borman (1994) .
Limitations and Potential EffectsThe similarities between comments gathered during the program and those gleaned a year following completion concerned both workplace characteristics and the participants' appreciation of their employment situation. With regard to the workplace, all Machining Technics students working in their field were, as expected, employed by small companies, and a majority of the secretarial students were indeed happy to be working close to home. Regarding working conditions, many of the negative expectations developed during the second half of their program of study were confirmed in the workplace. In secretarial and Machining Technics occupations, these perceptions centered on low salaries, work under pressure, and stress caused by the quality and quantity of work required. Machinists had to deal with the dirt and noise that they feared while studying. The experiences of these secretaries and machinists corroborate analyses of the working conditions affecting school-to-work transitions studied by Anisef & Axelrod (1993) , Bates & Riseborough (1993) and Crysdale & Harry (1994) .
Societal perceptions cited by the students were in line with the social valorization constructs expressed during their studies. Participants were proud to benefit from diversified work in which they could strengthen their occupational skills and earn the respect of their co-workers. The learning they underwent during their first year of work reflected the knowledge and skill valorized at the end of their studies ( Hardy & Landreville, 1998) . Thus, they placed emphasis on improving their abilities in such areas as precision and speed, and focused on their adaptability to the work environment. Their professional aspirations were consistent with previous social mobility constructs. The confidence they acquired through learning stimulated many to pursue further education and training, in order to increase their flexibility and improve their promotion possibilities. Five Machining Technics students decided to delay their entrance into the workforce in order to complete their education in sectors related to Machining Technics; almost half of the younger employed secretaries were considering returning to college or university studies. The students' transition from school to work took place through a progressive modification, over the course their studies, of various professional aspirations relating primarily to working conditions. The inability of some secretaries to secure employment, as well as the movement of many machinists towards work outside of their field and the unstable employment situation of some others illustrates the fragility of the school-to-work transition for these two groups of students. This fragility is manifested differentially with respect to the men and the women, as a number of the women remained outside the workforce. This more precarious position on the part of the women has been confirmed elsewhere by Anisef & Axelrod (1993) , Banks et al. (1992) , Bates & Riseborough (1993) , Crysdale & Harry (1994) and Lakes & Borman (1994) , who show gender-related inequalities in the transition from school-to-work.
My analysis of the representations of students working in their chosen occupation suggests that the secretaries and machinists stayed true to the logic observed during their studies. The various aspects of their appreciation of work situations and continuous learning speak to their interest in professional development, their involvement in their work, and their desire for professional improvement. This demonstrates that their transition to the labor market is really begun during the course of their studies, and continues within the workforce.
ReferencesThis study has two limitations. First, the qualitative and longitudinal format forced me to study only two occupational profiles and a relatively restricted number of individuals. Ideally, this study should be repeated with a greater number of students involved in other occupational areas. Furthermore, this analysis was restricted to those who succeeded in their transition from school to work by securing employment in their chosen field. This would tend to provide us with a relatively optimistic view of the situation. Analysis of other students' experiences is rendered problematic by a diversity of employment and unemployment experiences. This heterogeneity prevents the grouping of subjects and leads to a study of individual paths. Nevertheless, the difficulty and uncertainty of these graduates' situations is critical to a full to an understanding of the school-to-work transition experienced by vocational education and training graduates.
Despite its limitations, this qualitative analysis offers insight into the experience of students in vocational education and training and their transition from school to work, and highlights the changes experienced by a group of men and a group of women. This project should therefore assist the directors of vocational education and training centers, as well as vocational educators, in enhancing their understanding of the vocational education and training process for their students. The present analysis has been further developed in a published volume intended for use by instructors, guidance counselors, students and parents ( Hardy, Grossmann, Bah, Barry, & Gingras, 1998 ). This work, also considered as a tool for the basic training of future vocational educators, should help further reflections on high school vocational education and training.
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AuthorThis research received support from the Social Sciences and Human Resources Council of Canada (SSHRC), under its Strategic Research program. It was also supported by the FCAR (Researcher Training and Research Assistance) Fund's Assistance Program.
In Canada, individual provincial governments are responsible for education. The organization of education and various educational reforms are implemented at the provincial level, without inter-provincial or federal coordination.
A high school diploma, obtained upon completion of 12 years of schooling, is a prerequisite of registration in most vocational curricula.
This criterion was included in order to meet the overall objectives of the research program, the sociological aspect of which has here been fused with a further cognitive aspect examining the acquisition of theoretical knowledge with respect to practical knowledge. ( Hardy & Landreville, 1998 ).
The secretarial studies program lasted 1,450 hours and included women, whereas the machining technics program lasted 1,800 hours and included men.
Since each vocational education and training center accepts only a single group of Machining Technics students - comprising about 20 individuals - we were required to request the collaboration of a second school board.
These interviews were conducted with the cooperation of the following research assistants: Renée Barbeau, Alain Charlebois, Lyne Drapeau, Sophie Grossmann, Daniel Maher, Anne Mingant and Sylvie Varin.
The ORACLE application ( Claviez, 1990 ; ORACLE, 1989 ) is a qualitative-analysis software tool which allows for a combined analysis of qualitative and quantitative data collected from the same participants. To briefly clarify the analysis of qualitative data via this ORACLE application, I would compare it to the analysis of qualitative data via the NUD*IST software which I currently use. The ORACLE application can only code paragraphs, whereas the NUD*IST application codes lines of text. The NUD*IST analysis utilizes a similar approach to ORACLE, but the work is friendlier and more flexible.
The coding, processing and qualitative analysis of this information was carried out by the following research assistants: Thierno Hamidou Bah, Abdoulaye Barry, Pascale Gingras, Sophie Grossmann, Anne Mingant and Sylvie Varin.
MARCELLE HARDY is professor at the Département des sciences de l'éducation, Université du Québec a Montréal, Case postale 8888, succursale Centre-Ville, Montréal (Québec) Canada H3C 3P8. [E-mail: hardy.marcelle@uqam.ca ]. Prof. Hardy is also Network Leader of one of the five Canadian Strategic Research Networks on education and training. Her research interests include vocational education and training, collaboration between school and workplace, transition from school to work, and qualitative methodology.